The Hammer of Ethics and Broken Sacred Idols

Fuad Sediq | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

Between the dense smoke of religious discourse and the deep darkness of our present time, which has completely clouded our sky, our humanity and Kurdish identity are facing a major existential and moral crisis.

Religion has transformed from a spiritual manifesto into a dangerous tool of oppression and the stripping away of moral and human values.

When we carefully look at the current reality of Kurdish society, we see how political Islamic discourse and extremist Salafism have spread silently like poison through different areas of life. Here, a person with morality and a living conscience needs Nietzsche’s hammer in order to break all those imaginary idols that have grown in the name of holiness in the hearts of our cities and have pushed society toward emptiness.

Nietzsche taught us that most of those who claim asceticism, purity, and fear of God actually seek only to hide their wild instincts behind the thick curtain of religion. What we see today in Kurdistan under the title of preacher and religious scholar is a living example of that slave morality which pulls humanity backward and strips life of its true and beautiful meaning, leaving only shadows, fear, and accusations of heresy behind.

These preachers, who have occupied the intellectual and social arena, have filled society with intellectual bacteria that directly paralyze the sensitive nerves of reason. They have produced a discourse that disgusts any dignified and free person and makes coexistence impossible.

When a Salafi figure destroys a family and separates a woman from her husband merely to satisfy his own instincts, this is not a personal issue or a temporary deviation. Rather, it is the greatest failure of a closed ideological system that constantly claims moral superiority and the protection of the family.

Here we are reminded of Farag Foda’s ideas, and how he paid with his life for speaking the truth and warning that the religious state and religious fundamentalist discourse are merely decorated masks for achieving absolute power and satisfying hidden desires.

Foda believed that when religion becomes mixed with political and social conflict, the first victim sacrificed on the table of interests is morality and honesty. These Salafis today represent the “sacred ignorance” that Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd and Olivier Roy repeatedly described as a major danger; they bend religious texts according to their desires and interests, turning them into whips for punishing their opponents.

The committee formed to investigate the case involving Latif Salafi and the female students of the College of Sharia carries a great historical and moral responsibility. What is happening on the margins of these events is not merely an administrative investigation; it is a test of national morality and conscience.

The spreading of pressure and fear on social media to force the female victims into silence is a form of psychological terrorism intended to destroy what remains of the spirit of those young women who have already been exploited by Salafists.

David Hume, from a skeptical perspective, taught us that no one possesses absolute truth, yet this group behaves as if the keys to heaven and hell are in their pockets and seeks to turn people into slaves of a meaningless and contradictory discourse.

The responsibility of the Minister of Higher Education begins here, as a representative of reason and knowledge. He must not remain a silent observer. A minister who represents thought and learning should be a shield for those young women who have been humiliated and whose dignity has been violated under the cover of religion.

Silence in the face of such crimes means granting legitimacy and becoming a partner in the tragedy. This position was built on the blood of thousands of martyrs who sacrificed their lives for freedom and dignity, not so that universities could become testing grounds for the wild instincts of a handful of people whose minds are infected with intellectual bacteria.

Sayyid al-Qimni says that the history of religious fundamentalism is full of people who shed blood and violated honor simply to prove that they were God’s shadow on earth. Today, our preachers are repeating the same historical scenario. They are numerous in number, yet they have added no real human or intellectual value to society.

The essential question is this: in a society like Kurdistan, where for fourteen centuries simple and sincere village clerics taught human values and peace, why is there a need for so many colleges of Sharia, most of which produce extremism, backwardness, and closed-minded thinking? The clerics of the past worked for goodness and reconciliation, unlike these modern preachers whose eyes are fixed on other people’s wives and who trade in women’s bodies and dignity in the name of religion.

When George Tarabishi speaks of a disabled reason, he means precisely the kind of reason that surrenders to such discourse, a reason that neither questions nor criticizes, but merely obeys, allowing a preacher to decide the private lives and destinies of others according to his own desires.

These preachers drag society backward, toward centuries of darkness and eras when human beings were bought and sold. Our universities, which should be centers of creativity and intellectual discovery, are being turned into breeding grounds for people whose minds are infected with intellectual bacteria.

The government and the Ministry of Higher Education must conduct a deep and uncompromising review of these colleges of Sharia. Beyond promoting extremism and creating divisions among people, what have these colleges actually contributed to Kurdish knowledge? Has the time not come to stop producing extremists and morally corrupt individuals in the name of holiness? Nietzsche said that when you break idols, you hear the sound of their emptiness.

Today, if we strike these preachers with the hammer of philosophical criticism, we find nothing inside but emptiness, instinct, and frightening ignorance. They have nothing to offer except fear, intimidation, and the reproduction of slavery.

The minister’s responsibility here becomes a paternal and human duty toward all those young women who have been exploited under Salafist pressure. They need political and legal authority to stand behind them and prevent any Salafi from placing himself in the position of a god over other people. If the Minister of Higher Education remains silent today, he will be remembered as an accomplice of the offenders.

What the Salafists are doing is not merely a moral deviation; it is the spiritual and physical terrorization of human beings under the shelter of sacredness. A society in which a preacher can violate people’s honor and then justify it with religious texts is not merely a sick society, it stands on the edge of moral death. The solution requires major intellectual surgery: religious institutions that have become threats to social peace must either be closed or fundamentally reformed.

We need free human beings, not slaves who are too afraid of a preacher’s vision of hell to defend their own rights. When Nietzsche declared that God is dead, he meant that the old and oppressive meanings that had imprisoned humanity no longer functioned. Likewise, the extremist interpretations of religion that Salafists seek to impose must be allowed to die so that Kurdish people can live freely.

This modern preaching discourse consists of using technology to spread ignorance, which is the most dangerous form of ignorance. These people know only how to move backward. While the world advances toward exploring the universe and understanding the details of genetics, our preachers are still occupied with discussions about acquiring third and fourth wives and deceiving young women.

This is the national disaster that the Minister of Higher Education must confront. When George Tarabishi discusses the narcissistic wound of Islamic reason in relation to modernity, he refers to the harsh reaction displayed by religious fundamentalists in defense of their fragile position.

In Kurdistan, this reaction appears in the form of producing thousands of preachers and opening countless colleges of Sharia, which, instead of being centers of knowledge, have become factories for producing backward individuals.

Why, in a society where the majority are Muslims, do we still need so much instinct-driven preaching? The answer can be found in Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd’s thought, when he argues that religion in the hands of power-seekers and opportunists becomes a closed ideology used to control people’s minds and bodies.

These preachers do not exist to bring people closer to God; rather, they exist to separate people from truth and freedom and to keep them trapped in a constant feeling of guilt, because guilty people are easier to control. A College of Sharia within a modern university is like a foreign and poisonous element seeking to destroy science and logic.

When a Salafi, in the name of religion, pursues a married woman and then justifies taking her into his private sphere through religious reasoning, this represents the final collapse of the morality that religion claims to defend. Here Nietzsche’s hammer must shatter that imaginary idol of holiness, because any holiness that violates human dignity is merely a cover for corruption. This is exactly what Olivier Roy calls “sacred ignorance”, not illiteracy, but the separation of religion from culture, knowledge, and history.

Farag Foda sacrificed his life in confronting this kind of extremism because he understood that if religious fundamentalists gained control of society, the first thing they would destroy would be women’s dignity. Sayed Al-Qimni argues that extremists throughout history have always searched through the most private details of people’s lives in order to impose their authority.

Today in Kurdistan, this is being carried out systematically within academic institutions. The government must break its silence and review these massive religious institutions that produce nothing but ignorance and immorality. David Hume believed that religion, when placed in the hands of the ignorant, becomes a cause of moral corruption.

Natural morality tells us that no one should violate another person’s honor, yet Salafism claims that everything is permissible under the name of religious law. Universities should be places of creativity, not places where young women are exploited. We live in the twenty-first century, the age of AI, so how can an educational system still discuss the enslavement of women? What is happening today is a struggle between light and darkness; between the reason that seeks human freedom and the reason that seeks to turn people into slaves of dead texts.

If colleges of Sharia, mosques, and preachers do not serve the dignity of Kurdish people, what purpose do they serve other than destruction? The Minister of Higher Education must not submit to pressure from religious parties, because any negligence will place his name alongside the history of the Salafists themselves.

Those young women who have been wronged must know that the law should stand behind them. Silence in the face of Salafist oppression is one of the greatest injustices against humanity. We need an intellectual revolution so that reason can return to its rightful place and religion can return to people’s hearts, rather than becoming a tool for examining and controlling the bodies of young women.

Nietzsche said that he feared a day when holy people would destroy the world; today, that fear is becoming reality. All these meaningless forms of control carried out in universities in the name of religion must be dismantled. We need doctors, engineers, philosophers, researchers, artists, and great writers, not people who make human beings hate life.

Kurdistan deserves a generation that is free and possesses an open mind. This is a major test for all those who claim to support human rights: can they free Kurdish people from the grip of this sacred ignorance? The decision is in our hands, and history remembers only courage.

Until now, the power of truth has always been stronger than every mask. The fog of ignorance spread by the Salafists can be cleared only by the light of reason and by breaking these imaginary idols. The Minister of Higher Education and all decision-makers must understand that protecting the dignity of one individual means protecting the dignity of the entire nation.

Allowing this situation to continue means surrendering to a darkness that seeks to destroy every form of beauty in this land. The time has come to raise our hammers and break these false idols of holiness that have been built upon fear and exploitation, so that Kurdish people may find meaning in their lives under the light of truth and freedom.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on June 23, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

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Sexual Harassment Allegations Against Dr. Abdul Latif Salafi Shake University of Sulaimani as Students Prepare to Testify

SULAIMANI, Iraqi Kurdistan region,— Students at the College of Islamic Sciences at the University of Sulaimani say that ten female students they describe as victims are ready to testify before a university investigative committee examining allegations of sexual harassment against lecturer Dr. Abdul Latif Ahmad, also known as Abdullatif Salafi. A university spokesperson said officials are hearing all parties involved.

Salafi, also a leader within the Salafi movement and a controversial Salafi preacher.

The allegations have sparked ongoing reactions after audio recordings and claims circulated against Salafi, a lecturer and Islamic religious figure at the university.

Students from his college insist the case involves serious misconduct and say the process must not be diverted from what they describe as its original course.

Salafi Ahmad has denied all accusations, saying they are false and fabricated. In a Facebook post, he said the claims have no legal or religious basis and will not affect his message, adding that those behind the allegations should expect divine punishment.

In a written statement issued by several students from the College of Islamic Sciences, the group said they are fully convinced of the claims and assert they have witnessed more than what has been made public. They said they are prepared to present victims and testify before the committee.

The statement accuses Abdullatif Salafi of ethical violations, including sexual harassment of female students. It further claims that around ten victims have been identified and are ready to testify.

One student who signed the statement told Rudaw media that about fifteen students are aware of its contents and that others also support the claims.

The student said victims are expected to appear before the committee formed by the University of Sulaimani and urged that the investigation remain focused on verified victims and evidence.

On June 18, 2026, the University of Sulaimani announced it had formed a committee to investigate the allegations following public reaction.

University spokesperson Dr. Johan Osman said that the committee is a fact finding and follow up body tasked with conducting a detailed review of all aspects of the case.

He added that the committee includes legal experts and is working in coordination with the public prosecution in Sulaimani. He also said that any victim who wishes to speak will be fully heard and that no part of the case will be ignored.

The students outlined six main accusations against Salafi. They allege that academic grades were manipulated in exchange for inappropriate behavior toward female students, contributing to discrimination and dissatisfaction among students.

They also allege that exam questions were sold in exchange for gaining favor with female students. The students said they have evidence supporting this claim and that one of the victims is prepared to testify before both the committee and the public prosecutor.

The initial allegations were raised by a young man living outside the country known on social media as Yakhi, whose real name is Bilal Mahmoud.

He told the media that Salafi deceived four female students from the College of Islamic Sciences, who were his students, and that they were subjected to sexual harassment.

Audio recordings shared in connection with the case contain only a male voice. Yakhi said he edited the recordings over several hours to protect the identities of the women, stating that they trusted him and must remain anonymous due to social conditions.

He said the case involves four female students, not one, and that additional material exists. He added that some of the women are speaking out, while others have remained silent due to fear and social stigma.

Yakhi said one student first contacted him, and after further investigation he learned that three additional students had also reported harassment by the lecturer.

He also said he has repeatedly challenged Salafito a public mutual oath, known as mubahala, claiming the lecturer has refused.

The University of Sulaimani continues to state that its committee is reviewing all claims and will hear testimony from all relevant parties.

Students insist that the alleged victims are ready to testify, while Salafi maintains that all accusations against him are false and without legal or religious foundation.

Many observers and analysts say that in Sulaimani, which is under the influence and control of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) led by Bafel Talabani, PUK-linked TV channels and media outlets appear to be presenting coverage that is supportive of Salafi.

Critics accuse these outlets and the PUK party of lacking transparency and say the PUK should allow a fully open and transparent investigation to proceed without influence.

They also claim that parts of the media coverage are trying to portray Salafi in a positive light, a view that others dispute.

(With files from Rudaw | Agencies)

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Kurdistan bans use of Sheikh, Mullah, Sayyid in business signs and names

ERBIL,— Iraqi Kurdistan Region authorities have prohibited businesses from using religious titles and national symbols in their names, the Ministry of Trade and Industry announced.

The General Directorate of Companies Registration at the Ministry of Trade and Industry of the Kurdistan Region has imposed a complete ban on the use of religious titles such as Sheikh, Mullah, and Sayyid, as well as personal names and national symbols, on commercial signs and business establishments.

Authorities said violations will result in financial penalties.

Blnd Mam, Director General of Companies Registration, told media outlets on Thursday, June 4, 2026, that the measure is enforced under Regulation No. 15 of 2022.

The regulation prohibits the registration of religious names and national symbols for use in company names, business locations, and commercial signage.

He stated that the decision applies to all commercial establishments across the region and specifically bans the display of religious titles and national symbols on shop and market signs.

Businesses using such names without official approval and registration will face immediate fines ranging from 100,000 dinars to 1 million dinars.

He added that business names must correspond clearly to the type of activity and the commercial location.

The ban does not apply to businesses that had already registered such names and obtained official licenses before the regulation was issued.

Those establishments will not face legal action because their registrations predate the new rule.

The director also said that no further permissions will be granted for the use of religious names or national symbols in commercial contexts, stating that the policy is intended to preserve the dignity of such names.

(With files from Rudaw | NRT)

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The Impacts of Political Islam on Human Rights in Iraqi Kurdistan and Its Role in the Suppression of Freedom

Twana Muhammad Nuri | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

To understand Islamic movements in Kurdistan, it is necessary to view them as political entities, not just religious ones. Political Islam (such as the Islamic Union, Komal, and other parties) is a conservative political movement that emerged in the region to reduce public freedoms and control society.

These movements clash with the lives of the people and function as political projects aimed at controlling individuals and returning the region to darker times in its political history.

According to scholars who study the Muslim Brotherhood, the main issue is that political Islam uses religion as a violent political tool to control individuals. These parties, like other right-wing groups in the region, have greater influence during times of crisis.

They instill fear in people to prevent workers and citizens from demanding their rights or changing the system. Political Islam acts as a conservative wall, protecting the privileges of those in power by frightening people away from positive and progressive changes.

Historically, these movements have always served as instruments of pressure for regional governments. Their existence was often supported financially and logistically by countries that wanted to prevent progressive and freedom-seeking reforms in Kurdistan.

When a party operates with external funding and political plans, it is clear that its goal is not to serve citizens but to implement plans that force Kurdish people into a mindset against freedom and human rights.

One of the most concerning aspects of political Islam is its fundamental opposition to gender equality. At its core, this movement is based on rejecting the recognition of women as equal human beings. They see equality as a threat and aim, in the name of “holiness,” to legally enforce gender discrimination.

For political Islam, any effort toward equality is considered a challenge to the patriarchal system, which uses religion as a tool to maintain power. Therefore, real progress requires rejecting these anti-equality views.

Practices such as the use of the veil or displays of modesty are nothing more than attempts to erase women’s identity and promote the party’s ideological control over their bodies. This is a form of fascism because it seeks to erase individual differences and force everyone into a single, silent mold. Here, the veil carries not a religious message but a political one: to reject personal freedom and present women as mere propaganda tools rather than individuals with agency.

Political Islam tries to shape Kurdistan according to the 21st century’s global and human values, but in a regressive way. They want to build a “cultural wall” separating people and claim that human rights and equality are unnecessary.

This is a political strategy to maintain patriarchal dominance under the guise of religious “uniqueness,” silencing any voice that seeks freedom. In reality, the Kurdish people’s desire for freedom does not differ from that of anyone else in the world.

These movements systematically attack education. They aim to transform schools from centers of science and critical thinking into places for “indoctrinating children.” When a child is educated under a political-religious ideology from a young age, they may grow up dogmatic and unable to coexist with people who think differently. This poses a serious threat to the future of society and cultural development.

Political Islam consistently emphasizes death and judgment, viewing life on earth as temporary and insignificant. This worldview prevents them from developing genuine plans for happiness, economic growth, or cultural enrichment. When young people pursue music, art, sports, and enjoyment in life, political Islam considers these acts sinful. This creates a conflict between their death-centered culture and the people’s life-centered culture.

Historically, one of the first steps political Islamic movements take in occupying public spaces is to attack art. Banning music and visual arts is not just a religious issue, it is a systematic effort to remove sources of joy and expression from human life. When music is labeled “sin” and art is deemed “forbidden,” society loses opportunities for emotional and creative development. This suppression creates an environment where only party and religious narratives are heard.

Over time, music and arts have been a central part of the people’s cultural identity. Political Islam, by prohibiting these forms of expression, attempts to rewrite society’s history so that no diverse voices remain. These restrictions lead to a “silent society” where individuals cannot criticize or express themselves through art. In reality, the fear of music and imagery reflects the fear of freedom itself—the freedom that art provides to human beings.

The exodus of youth from the region is not only due to economic crises but also because of the intellectual and social repression that political Islam imposes. According to Kurdistan parliamentary elections in 2024, Islamic parties won only 10 out of 100 seats, which is just 10% of total representation. This shows their limited influence on political decision-making.

Additionally, according to the Ministry of Displacement and Refugees, in 2023 nearly 20,000 people left Iraq and the Kurdistan region for European countries. When young people see their future prospects blocked, they are forced to leave their homeland. Political Islam, by killing hope and creating a “colorless prison,” drives youth to escape instead of grow and prosper.

Kurdish society, like all human societies, is moving toward modernity and freedom. Young people seek a dignified, equal, and culturally rich life. Political Islam internally opposes all of these values. It seeks total control over private life, forbidding free thought and expression. This hostility frames them as a “reactionary force” against life and progress, incompatible with the modern era.

One of the greatest myths of political Islam is its propaganda that Islam is “essential” for societal protection. However, the experience of other countries, such as China, shows that social systems can thrive without religious enforcement. Kurdish society does not need religious policing to maintain order; it needs laws and equal rights compatible with modern life and the aspirations of the new generation.

Instead of addressing economic and political problems, political Islam constantly creates divisions. They classify people as “believers vs. non-believers” or “Muslims vs. non-Muslims” to justify their suppression as “divine opposition.” This poses the greatest threat to civic life because political parties should be evaluated based on administrative and scientific programs, not on false notions of holiness that prevent questioning and debate.

Political Islam in Kurdistan is not just a movement, it is an anti-progress movement. The only solution is the full separation of religion from the state and education. Until these movements can use religious practices for political goals, the Kurdish people cannot achieve freedom. The solution is not merely “containing” these movements, but building a secular, modern society where freedom of thought and full equality for all people is guaranteed.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on June 1, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

Ali Qaradaghi and the Tyranny of Islam Over Human Rights

The post Political Islam in Kurdistan and Its Impact on Human Rights, Freedom appeared first on iKurd News.

ERBIL,— Faruq Rafiq, a prominent Kurdish philosopher and writer widely known for his work on liberalism and political thought, died Tuesday at his home in Erbil, the capital of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. He was 65.

Faruq Rafiq Hama Karim was born in 1961 in Sulaimani. He earned a doctorate in philosophy from a university in Canada, where he spent part of his academic career before returning to the Kurdistan Region.

He later served as editor-in-chief of Awaz magazine, a publication devoted to philosophy and science.

During his career, Rafiq wrote several books that shaped intellectual debate in the region. One of his most noted works is “Reconciliation of Reason and Love.” The book examines liberal education and civic ethics.

He also wrote “The Art of Philosophy,” described as a metaphysical lecture. Another major title is “Pax Americana: The Era of American Hegemony.”

In 2010, he published “The Art of Love.” A year later, in 2011, he released “A Station in a Philosophical Journey.” His other title is “One Hour Before Midnight.”

He was considered part of a generation of Kurdish intellectuals who combined academic philosophy with public commentary and regularly appeared in televised debates on Kurdish television channels.

His views on politics, Islam, and religion were at times the subject of public controversy.

Writing in an opinion piece published on April 28, 2026 in Awene Newspaper, commentator Samira Ali described Rafiq as an intellectual “who, in a sea of silence, gave his life with a cry for modernity and rational thinking.”

Ali wrote that Rafiq was not just a person who died, but a voice that had already been silenced by a closed-minded society.

She said that when he tried, through the “Ava” platform, to bring meaning back to public life and civilization, society did not listen and instead attacked him.

Ali said attacks by Islamist extremist groups against Rafiq, particularly when he criticized conditions at the Sulaimani International Book Exhibition, reflected what she called the intellectual failure of that society.

She said those who insulted him in the name of religion and tradition did not understand that his criticism was intended to protect the dignity of the city.

She wrote that a society unable to accept criticism about a book exhibition cannot be expected to accept philosophy, adding that Rafiq lived among people who tolerate insults but fear the word reason.

Ali further noted that even after his death, hostile language directed at Rafiq continued from some quarters, which she described as a deep moral failure.

She wrote that Rafiq was not killed by illness but by the feeling of not belonging in his own country, becoming a victim of the struggle between what she called darkness and light.

Ali warned that until society learns to hold open discussions and confronts religious extremism, future thinkers will face the same fate.

Ali concluded that Rafiq was like a mirror reflecting problems within society’s thinking, and instead of addressing those problems, society chose to break the mirror.

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Is Mecca What Arab History Says It Is?

Islam did not originate in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, as accepted by mainstream history and Islamic tradition, but rather in Petra, Jordan, according to a theory put forward by some researchers who are reexamining early Islamic history using modern analytical tools.

A growing body of academic discussion is examining early Islamic history using modern research tools, according to historians and independent researchers who say new methods are allowing a closer look at events dating back more than 1,400 years.

Muslims around the world perform daily prayers facing the city of Mecca in Saudi Arabia, following long-established religious tradition rooted in Islamic teachings. The practice, observed five times a day, unites more than a billion followers in a shared ritual centered on the Kaaba, a structure considered sacred in Islam.

However, some researchers say recent studies combining archaeology, historical texts, and satellite analysis are prompting renewed debate about the origins of Islam and the historical development of its early geography.

According to prominent historian Dan Gibson, who has spent decades studying the Middle East, questions have emerged regarding the traditional narrative that places Mecca at the center of early Islamic history. Gibson said his research draws on ancient manuscripts, early mosque architecture, and geographic analysis.

“We now have access to tools that were not available before,” Gibson said. “Digital archives, satellite imagery, and global academic collaboration allow us to reexamine early Islamic history in ways that were previously impossible.”

Gibson said discussions with archaeologists during a 2002 academic conference raised questions about the archaeological record in Mecca. According to him, some specialists indicated there was limited physical evidence in the area dating to before the eighth century.

He also noted that references to Mecca in early texts are limited. The Quran mentions the name once, while other terms traditionally associated with the city are interpreted by later scholars.

Some historians have questioned whether Mecca, described in Islamic tradition as a major trade and population center, aligns with known historical trade routes. According to these researchers, major caravan routes in ancient Arabia were concentrated farther north.

Gibson argues that early Islamic sources describe a city with agricultural activity, including vegetation and water resources, which he says does not correspond with the current environment of Mecca, a region known for its arid conditions and limited rainfall.

In contrast, he points to the ancient city of Petra, located in present-day Jordan, as a site that matches some of those descriptions. Petra is known for its historical infrastructure, including water systems, cultivated areas, and trade connections.

A central part of the debate focuses on the direction of prayer, known as the qibla. Muslims today face Mecca during prayer, but early Islamic sources indicate that the direction was changed during the lifetime of the Prophet Muhammad.

Using satellite mapping and field measurements, Gibson said he analyzed the orientation of early mosques built in the first century of Islam. According to his findings, many of these structures appear to align toward a location in northern Arabia rather than Mecca.

“We examined early mosques across regions including Egypt, Iraq, China, and the Levant,” Gibson said. “When plotted, their orientations converge on a single area in what is now southern Jordan.”

That area corresponds to Petra, he said.

The findings have been disputed by many scholars, who argue that early construction methods and measurement limitations could account for variations in mosque orientation. Others maintain that historical Islamic sources consistently identify Mecca as the central religious site.

Gibson also connects his theory to political developments during early Islamic history, including internal conflicts such as the second Islamic civil war. He suggests that shifts in political authority may have influenced how historical records were written and preserved.

According to traditional accounts, early Islamic history was transmitted both orally and in written form. Some historians say the reliance on oral transmission may have contributed to variations in historical narratives over time.

Gibson further argues that the destruction of manuscripts during early Islamic expansion may have created gaps in the historical record. He cited historical accounts describing the burning of libraries and the consolidation of Quranic texts during the early caliphate.

Later historians working under subsequent Islamic dynasties compiled written histories, which Gibson said may reflect the perspectives of those periods.

Despite these claims, mainstream Islamic scholarship continues to support the established narrative regarding Mecca’s central role in the origins of Islam.

Experts say the discussion highlights the challenges of reconstructing ancient history, particularly in regions where archaeological evidence is limited and historical sources are subject to interpretation.

The debate remains ongoing, with researchers emphasizing the importance of continued study using both traditional scholarship and modern technology.

(With files from The Sacred City, Dan Gibson YT channel)

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Serwan Zangana | Exclusive to iKurd.net

While the majority of Kurds are embracing the religion of Islam, it is important to realize that Islam is not a natural disposition of the Kurds, and that their unity is not necessarily based on one religion.

The history of the Kurds and their civilization is beyond Islam, and thus, unlike the Arabs in the peninsula, who practiced the belief of polytheism and idolatry, the Kurds did not live in a dark era, and indeed, centuries before Islam, they believed in monotheism as they practiced Zoroastrianism, with Ahura Mazda believed to be the only creator of the universe without any partner.

However, realizing that with the revelation of Islam, the life of the Arabs in the peninsula shifted to a brighter side from the era of ignorance (Jahiliyah), the Arab society evolved into a better and more humane environment as the slaves were given the opportunity for freedom, the poor were not oppressed as they were before the revelation, and overall, mercy and toleration were encouraged. But the problem began from the Arab invasions of the region’s nations, and further, to other continents.

The Kurds were not immune from such invasions, and throughout history, the Arabs attempted to undermine the Kurdish identity and dissolve it in the Arab nations. Speaking of the Kurdish nation is one of the most sensitive and forbidden subjects in the Middle East, as it agitates the majority of Arabs across the region.

The matter of Kurdistan as a nation is a hot topic and is opposed by the majority of Arab Muslim leaders. In contrast, Israel has been supporting the Kurdish cause and struggle to obtain their ethnic freedom and political identity.

The heinous attacks on the Kurds in Syria by Ahmad al-Sharaa’s Islamic government were never condemned by the Arab and Muslim governments. But the Israeli leaders were vocal about the attacks as they, in fact, denounced Al-Sharaa’s military actions against the minority, including the Kurds.

When the Syrian government forces launched attacks on the Kurds in Aleppo in early January 2026, Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar said, “Attacks by the Syrian regime’s forces against the Kurdish minority in the city of Aleppo are grave and dangerous.” He continued to say that the international community and the West “owe a debt of honor to the Kurds” as they fought the terrorist group Islamic State (ISIS).

Furthermore, Israel’s Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli strongly decried the terrorist acts of Al-Sharaa’s regime against the Kurds as he wrote on X, “The jihadist forces aligned with Erdogan and al-Julani are once again unleashing brutality against Kurds, as well as Druze and Alawite civilians.”

Obviously, in the beginning of the revelation of Islam, the Muslims’ intention and goal in the Arabian peninsula were to reform Arab society and change the Arab community from paganism to submit to Islamic rules and principles. But later, the religion of Islam was completely hijacked by the Arabs and politicized, and hence, bloodshed became part of the Islamic conquests “Al Futuhat Al-Islamiya”. Such actions of “Al-Futuhat Al-Islamiya” and also “Jihad” became pervasive, toxic philosophies of Islam.

However, by surrendering themselves to political Islam and organizing in Islamic political parties, the Kurds will only strengthen the political ideology of Islamic groups and the governments that oppose the Kurdish nation and gradually dilute the Kurdish culture into the Arab-Islamic culture.

The Kurds need to prioritize nationalist ideology over Islamism and prevent the influence of Arabs or other powerful Muslim governments of the region, such as Turkey and Iran.

Rejecting political Islam and the extreme Arab ideology by Kurdish intellectuals is necessary to protect the Kurdish culture from the invasion of chauvinistic and religious cultures that deny Kurdistan as a nation and attempt to amplify the idea of the Islamic Ummah, which is the unity of Islam in one nation. This is a complete hoax and an attempt to erase the Kurdish identity and the belief of establishing the Kurdish nation.

The Kurds must not sacrifice their identity for religion, as, in fact, Islam can be a choice in Kurdish society aside from the nation’s system. The Kurdish Islamic political parties have not been able to send a clear message about the Kurdish struggle, as establishing an Islamic system has been their goal and priority.

And in fact, such an ideology is benefitting Arabs and other non-Arab Muslim nations, such as Turkey and Iran, in bolstering their powers and the illegitimate case against the Kurds.

The Muslim nations in the Middle East have always viewed the Kurds’ independence and their political rights as a security threat, and in fact, to many nations, the establishment of Kurdistan is a geographical risk, which separates Kurdistan regions and unites them in one nation, and hence, in addition to the map changing, it affects those nations’ interests.

Regardless of the corrupt Kurdish political parties, specifically in Iraqi Kurdistan, and the frustration of the people in the region, the existence of nationalist or secular Kurdish parties would keep the Kurdish political identity floating better compared to the Islamic parties, as they allow such an identity to sink and disappear among the Muslims in general.

Learning from history is the key to preventing the recurrence of mistakes, and the Kurds definitely should apply such learning to their struggle. For example, the Kurdish Muslim leader, Salah al-Din al-Ayubbi (1137–1193), who fought for the cause of Islam, defeated the Crusaders, and recaptured Jerusalem, which was a victory for the Muslims only. Al-Ayubbi should not be a prominent leader in Kurdish history as he did not serve the cause of the Kurds.

The Kurds are in need of leaders to serve Kurdish nationalism principles, not the Islamic faith.

Serwan Zangana, a contributing writer for iKurd.net, lives in Virginia, U.S. He serves as a correction officer.

The views expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of iKurd.net or its editorial team.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

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Ali Sirini | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

Iran has reached its end, only time remains. All this noise Iran is making is nothing but the noise before collapse. This state, built on Persian-Shiite centralism, whether under the Shah or under Khomeini, has kept its grip on the Kurdish throat and continues to choke it.

The execution of Kurdish youth, the assassination of Kurdish leaders, intellectuals, and influential figures has not been occasional, it has been systematic, a defining feature of this regime since it took power in 1979. Yet the terror it wages against Kurdish history, identity, culture, and heritage is even more destructive than its killing of individuals.

In the face of this immense record of crime, bloodshed, and oppression against the Kurds, nothing is more disgraceful than the drumbeaters within Kurdish society who, in this war of America and Israel against Iran, behave like extensions of the Quds Force.

They defend Iran relentlessly, stand against their own people, and remain completely silent about Iran’s attacks on the Kurds. Worse still, they do not stop at defense, they actively position themselves against their own nation, weaken Kurdish morale, justify Iran’s attacks on the Region, and, under the hollow slogan of “wisdom,” urge Kurds not to resist Iran.

Iran’s media campaign, and the chorus of its loyalists in this war, is no different from Iraq’s propaganda in 1991 and 2003, loud, inflated, and built on nothing but lies. In 1991, Saddam launched nearly 40 Scud missiles at Israel, causing limited structural damage and relatively few casualties. In return, Israel received massive compensation, while Iraq as a state collapsed and has never truly recovered.

Today, Iran is walking the same path. Israel’s strikes on Iran are crippling and relentless. Iran’s leadership, even at the highest levels, including Khamenei, has been directly targeted. Its top scientists have been systematically eliminated. Its air and naval forces have been shattered. Its infrastructure, including its nuclear program, has suffered devastating blows and is nearing total destruction.

And yet, Iran and its followers continue to cling to absurd claims of victory, speaking as if they are on the verge of defeating the combined power of America and Israel in some imagined “end-times war.” In reality, they have achieved little beyond minor damage and limited casualties in those countries, while inflicting serious harm on their own neighbors, including the Kurds and Gulf states, by targeting civilian infrastructure, institutions, and energy systems.

The justification these Kurdish drumbeaters offer for siding with Iran is as weak as it is dishonest, Iran is “oppressed,” it is “Muslim,” it is a “neighbor,” and it is supposedly fighting global injustice at the hands of America and Israel. They constantly invoke “wisdom” as an excuse for Kurdish silence.

According to them, Kurds must neither resist Iran nor mobilize for their own freedom. So let us confront these claims directly. If “wisdom” means silence, if it means doing nothing so Iran will leave the Kurds alone, then why, from the very start of this war until now, has Iran continued its attacks despite the fact that Kurds have not fired a single bullet in response? Nearly 500 missiles and drones have already struck Iraqi Kurdistan Region, killing fourteen people and injuring nearly a hundred. If silence is wisdom, why are Peshmerga forces, infrastructure, and civilian institutions still under attack?

And why do these same voices not preach “wisdom” to Hamas in Gaza? Why do they not call for silence there, in a conflict unfolding in a territory no larger than a small Kurdish town? On the contrary, they celebrate that war as heroism, declare Hamas the victor, and portray Israel as defeated.

Meanwhile, Kurdistan, with its vast mountainous terrain and long history of suffering, faces oppression from Iran that, in scale and duration, is no less severe, yet Kurdish resistance is labeled inappropriate. This is not principle, it is hypocrisy. And if they cannot bring themselves to condemn Iran’s attacks, the bare minimum is this, stop supporting them.

Because throughout history, there has been only one name for those who side with the enemy of their own nation, traitors. On one side, Iran bombs Iraqi Kurdistan, kills civilians and Peshmerga, and on the other, these voices mourn for Khamenei, send messages of sympathy to the clerical regime, and remain silent toward the victims of their own people.

The greatest danger posed by these drumbeaters and Iranian proxies within Kurdish society is the space they have been allowed to occupy. They have gone so far as to accuse and discredit those who defend Kurdish identity. Instead of being exposed as traitors, they now position themselves as the arbiters of identity, deciding who is “acceptable” and who is not.

Even more alarming is the psychological damage they inflict. They shape the mindset of Kurds, especially the younger generation, by promoting fear, passivity, and silence in the face of oppression. They normalize surrender, encourage the abandonment of Kurdish identity under pressure, and actively erode the spirit of resistance in the hearts and minds of Kurdish youth.

All of this unfolds while Iran continues its long record of abuses, executing Kurdish youth en masse, suppressing Kurdish identity and culture in Eastern [Iranian] Kurdistan [Rojhelat], eliminating Kurdish intellectuals and leaders, flooding the Kurdistan Region with drugs and unsafe goods, and bombing Kurdish towns and cities.

Yet these so-called defenders of justice have not uttered a single word against any of it. Their silence exposes them. Their claims of standing against oppression are empty. They speak loudly, sharply, against corruption in Iraqi Kurdistan Region, yet remain completely mute when it comes to Iran, a system saturated with corruption.

Even when Kurdish salaries are cut by Iran-aligned Shiite authorities in Iraq, they say nothing. Their hostility is reserved almost entirely for the Iraqi Kurdistan Region itself, and any Kurd who dares to acknowledge even a minor positive aspect of its governance is immediately branded a traitor, a sellout, or a slave.

This reality demands a response. The parliament and government of the Kurdistan Region must establish clear legal measures addressing national and ethnic betrayal.

What is happening within Kurdish society today is not normal, it is an unprecedented condition in which the voices of traitors are so loud, so aggressive, that loyal Kurds hesitate to defend their own people and homeland out of fear of smear campaigns and public defamation. When defending your nation becomes something to fear, and betraying it becomes something to amplify, the danger is no longer external, it is within.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on March 30, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

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Low demand forces 10 flight cancellations at Erbil Airport during Ramadan

ERBIL, Iraqi Kurdistan region,— Ten flights scheduled at Erbil International Airport have been canceled due to low passenger numbers, airport officials said.

Ahmed Hoshyar, director of Erbil International Airport, spoke to Channel8 TV and explained that the decision was driven by a lack of passengers.

He said all affected travelers were informed on Feb. 17 that their flights would not operate. Hoshyar did not provide additional details about the number of passengers booked on the canceled routes.

The suspended flights included services to and from Ankara, Istanbul, Vienna, and Doha.

These destinations are part of the airport’s regular international network, connecting Iraqi Kurdistan with Turkey, Europe, and the Middle East. Airlines typically operate these routes several times a week.

Hoshyar reassured travelers that all other scheduled flights will continue as planned. “Passengers traveling to destinations not affected by the cancellations will not experience any changes to their schedules,” he said.

Officials noted that passenger traffic usually decreases during Ramadan, continuing at a lower level until just before the Eid holiday.

Following this period, travel activity generally rises, with more visitors arriving in the Kurdistan Region and more residents traveling abroad.

Airport staff said they expect passenger numbers to increase again during Eid and other public holidays.

Erbil International Airport is one of the main airports serving the Kurdistan Region. Along with Sulaimani International Airport, it handles most of the international and domestic flights in the area.

The airport is a key gateway for residents of Iraqi Kurdistan and visitors from neighboring regions, facilitating tourism, business travel, and international connections.

The cancellations highlight seasonal variations in travel demand, which affect airport operations and scheduling.

Airport officials emphasized that the decision was made to optimize resources and ensure safe and efficient service for all passengers.

With these measures, Erbil International Airport continues to operate normally for unaffected routes while planning for the expected rise in passenger traffic later in the holiday season.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

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A Temporary Change in Our Kurdish National Identity Between Traitors of the Nation and Traitors of Belief!

Dlêr Mohammed Nuri | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

No one should criticize me, because I know there is nothing in science called “national genetics.” And all those terms like “pure nation” or “racial nation” have not been scientifically proven.

However, our sense of national identity can be passed down from generation to generation, and our solidarity with people who share our language can be strengthened in the face of unwanted events.

As a Kurd, the pain of any Kurd anywhere in the world also causes me pain. This is directly connected to my relationship with being Kurdish. It is similar to the genetic material of any living being, which, in behavior, form, duties, and functions, remains connected to the group that shares the same genetic material.

But if you see a Kurd, whether from Qarakh [Qerax] or Khorasan, named Hakan or Halo, a mullah or a Salafi, a good person or not, and the suffering, disasters, and defeats of the Kurds do not move him, do not shake him, or he takes no position regarding them, then know that a major change has happened in his thinking. To the point that he becomes a friend of his enemy and an enemy of himself.

Science in general says that genetic changes in living beings do not happen easily or in a short time. For a real genetic change to occur in a living being, it takes millions of years. Even if the purpose of this article and the idea of genetic change are not logically identical, the comparison makes the point clearer.

The fact that most of us have remained Kurdish, under all these threats, occupations, hostility, killings, massacres, and oppression, if this did not cause a real change in us and we still remained Kurdish, proves how difficult it is to change our “genetics” when it comes to being Kurdish and staying Kurdish. Just as genetic change in living beings is very difficult, it would have been natural for all of us, in the embrace of Kurdistan, to remain Kurdish in spirit as beings connected to this land called Kurdistan.

Here we are talking about the ordinary Kurdish person. But even among Kurds, there are abnormal ones.

After all this suffering, persecution, and pressure, it was expected that a Kurd would remain Kurdish. Suffering should create deep regret. If the opposite happens, and we see a Kurd standing against Kurds or against himself, then this shows that a systematic change has occurred in his thoughts, ideas, and behavior.

For example, the position we see today in someone like Ali Qaradaghi, or in any Kurdish mullah or activist from the Muslim Brotherhood or Islamic movements, such individuals have every right to examine themselves, their minds, their thinking, their behavior, and the filters they have passed through. Of course, they have passed through the wrong filter.

The minds and thinking of such Kurds have cut off and removed every connection to Kurdish identity. Because it is impossible for someone to cut off your brother’s head, violate your sister’s honor, cut down your trees, steal your olives, and yet you warmly shake their hands and kiss their heads. If this is not a genetic change in your thinking, then what is it?

If I want to be very considerate toward these Kurdish Brotherhood members, Islamists, and mullahs, I could easily describe their condition as Stockholm Syndrome. This psychological condition is defined as a situation in which a victim develops sympathy for his executioner, and this sympathy grows into support.

Kurdish history with Islamic and Arab invasions is full of Anfal campaigns, slaughter, enslavement, looting of wealth and property, and so on. Yet this group of Kurds still supports the same enemy whose victims were themselves, their fathers, and their grandfathers. If this is not Stockholm Syndrome, then what is it?

What remains to be said concerns the difference between two types of these “sick” individuals within Kurdish society who become enemies of their own people and their just cause. I call them traitors of the nation and traitors of belief.

A traitor of the nation is a person or a party that, for material gain, power, or self-interest, becomes a servant of its enemy. But this type of betrayal, at the level of leadership, group, or party, is usually temporary. It benefits the betrayer and harms part of his nation. It is more like tactical betrayal, even though it may cause strategic damage to the national issue.

There are many examples of party and leadership betrayal in both distant and recent history, and there is no need to mention names here. In the end, these national traitors often see and present themselves as more patriotic than you and me. They always describe their betrayal as a tactical choice or a necessity in order to protect a greater achievement.

But the bigger problem and the long-term pain is ideological betrayal, when you become a servant of the enemy because of belief. This type of betrayal means stripping yourself of all national values, emptying yourself of all national sanctities, and avoiding all shared national duties. It is a planned project designed to eliminate the future of the nation and dissolve it into a larger religious nation.

It means making your own nation’s past, culture, and history appear ugly and hateful. It means opposing all your own old and new political, intellectual, and literary symbols. Therefore, while a traitor of the nation may one day regret his actions and return to the national line, an ideological traitor has taken a path with no return. It is a path that leads to hell, both for himself and for his nation.

The recent events in Rojava have taught us a lesson, that we can all be equally Kurdish beyond all our differences. Of course, all those Islamic, mullah, and religious Kurdish patriots who have proven their national commitment deserve pride and respect. But from now on, there must be a serious and systematic examination of those ideological traitors who have turned away from the national line in such a way and who celebrate the defeat and destruction of Kurdistan.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on February 15, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

Ali Qaradaghi and the Tyranny of Islam Over Human Rights

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