SULAIMANI,— The University of Sulaimani in Iraq’s Kurdistan region officially entered the Guinness World Records on Thursday after creating the world’s longest sentence formed by living plants, using 6,000 myrtle trees, the university spelled out its name across a hillside on its campus.

The massive green installation, which reads “University of Sulaimani,” covers approximately 3,600 square meters and stretches 180 meters in length.

The project was carried out over three months by four faculty members from the university’s College of Agricultural Engineering Sciences.

The official record was achieved on August 5 and announced during a ceremony on September 3 attended by Guinness officials.

The achievement more than doubles the previous record, held by Nissan Middle East. The automotive company spelled out a phrase from the UAE national anthem in Arabic using 2,507 Sidr trees in Sharjah, United Arab Emirates, in 2023.

Team members selected myrtle trees for their ability to withstand the region’s challenging climate. Hemin Azeema, a university lecturer on the project, explained that the plants must endure pruning and shaping while remaining suitable for local conditions.

“Myrtle is an evergreen that tolerates harsh weather and minimal irrigation,” Azeema said.

The project was carried out in partnership with the South Kurdistan Group, a local conglomerate comprising more than a dozen companies.

Yadgar Fayaq, the company’s communication director, said the achievement required extensive coordination, with expert botanists overseeing tree health and long-term growth potential throughout the process.

University President Kosar Mohammed Ali described the project as part of broader efforts to strengthen the institution’s international standing while creating a distinctive link between people and nature.

The initiative also drew support from the Sulaimani Governorate and the Kurdistan Region’s Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research.

Sulaimani Governor Haval Abubakir said the achievement belongs to the entire Kurdistan Region.

Placing the city on the global innovation map, he said, helps preserve Kurdish heritage while changing perceptions of the region from one of dependency to one that contributes to international sustainability efforts.

The University of Sulaimani, founded in 1968 and known as the “mother university,” is the oldest university in the Kurdistan Region.

The record is the latest in a series of environmental initiatives at the institution, which has increasingly emphasized climate-change action and global engagement in recent years.

On its official website, Guinness World Records commended the achievement for pairing “environmental awareness with a lasting display that promotes sustainability and green spaces on campus.”

(With files from Agencies)

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SULAIMANI,—Dr. Abdul Latif Ahmed, also known as Abdullatif Salafi, has fled Iraqi Kurdistan and traveled to Turkey before heading to the United Kingdom, local media reported Tuesday.

Salafi leads the Islamist Salafi Movement and had worked as a lecturer at the University of Sulaimani until he was removed from his post following accusations of sexual harassment from 10 female students.

Reports said Salafi flew out of Kurdistan through Kirkuk International Airport early Tuesday.

People close to him told a Kurdish television station that he landed in Istanbul and planned to fly onward from Istanbul’s Sabiha Gokcen Airport to Britain.

There, reportedly he intends to file a formal complaint over audio recordings that were leaked and attributed to him.

On Sunday, before fleeing, Salafi issued a statement saying he would pause his public activities for an unspecified period. He said the break would be temporary and that he expected to regain his legal and religious standing through the courts.

The Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research in the Kurdistan Region permanently dismissed Salafi from his teaching post on July 1. The decision followed the findings of a university investigative committee that examined the harassment allegations.

Eleven people, described as complainants in the case, appeared before a judge at the Sulaimani Court on Tuesday to give testimony, an informed source said. Some described experiences of sexual harassment they said involved Salafi, while others offered testimony connected to those claims.

The source said the same individuals had earlier given statements to the university’s investigative committee before repeating them in court.

The hearing before the judge lasted about four hours, during which their statements were formally entered into the court record, the source said. Because the case carries potential criminal elements, the Public Prosecutor’s Office has become involved, according to the source.

The source also linked Salafi’s escape from Kurdistan to the fallout from the case and the ministry’s dismissal order.

Political analyst Henase Karim, speaking to iKurd, said Salafi appeared to be attempting to escape accountability by invoking religious language, suggesting he believes his Islamic rhetoric might shield him from the criminal allegations.

Karim argued that political Islamist figures who he said had caused harm to Kurds and the Kurdistan Region should face punishment, accusing them of placing religious identity above Kurdish nationalism and replacing Kurdish Islamic terminology with Arabic Islamic terminology.

Separately, a source close to Salafi’s family said he has not dropped his own case and is instead pressing forward with it, including seeking help from Interpol. The source said he plans to file complaints against people who insulted him or his relatives.

Karim, responding to that claim, dismissed it, saying that if Salafi believes he is innocent he should appear before the court and testify, adding that the evidence available points against him.

The family source said they have identified who was behind releasing the videos and audio recordings and said Salafi would keep pursuing the matter until, in his view, the truth comes out.

The controversy began after audio recordings and messages surfaced online weeks earlier, purportedly containing Salafi’s voice and written messages exchanged with a female student.

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ERBIL,—Iraqi Kurdistan Region’s Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research permanently dismissed Dr. Abdul Latif Ahmad, a lecturer at the University of Sulaimani also known as Abdullatif Salafi, on Wednesday after completing an investigation into sexual misconduct claims.

The ministry’s official decision cited Article 8 of the Discipline for State and Public Sector Employee Law, which provides the most severe disciplinary action allowed under Iraqi public service regulations.

The ruling imposed what is formally called “Azl,” an Arabic term meaning dismissal, on the Islamic Salafi figure and academic.

The penalty removes Salafi from his position in the Department of Islamic Sciences and permanently blocks him from working in any government institution in the future.

The case developed over several weeks after audio recordings and text messages purportedly involving Salafi were shared online.

Following the publication of those materials, the University of Sulaimani set up a committee to investigate the matter.

Students from the College of Islamic Sciences told investigators that Salafi reached out to them using his personal phone, asked them for photos, and shared inappropriate images with them. Formal complaints were submitted by multiple students.

Salafi, who holds a prominent role as leader of the Salafi movement in the Kurdistan Region, rejected the claims entirely. He called the recordings slander and maintained that the voice in them did not belong to him.

Kurdistan Regional Government Minister of Higher Education Aram Qadir stated in late June that he was in the process of reviewing the initial findings from the university’s investigative committee.

The controversy began in early June when UK-based activist Bilal Mahmood, known publicly as Yaxi, released audio and video materials he said were handed to him by four female students connected to Salafi.

Investigators worked to determine whether the recordings were genuine or had been modified or produced through artificial intelligence tools.

The incident is not the first time Salafi has faced public scrutiny. In 2016, recorded private conversations between him and one of his students became widely circulated and drew strong public criticism at the time.

Following that episode, the student ended her marriage and later wed Salafi.

Salafi Vows to Appeal Dismissal

Salafi said Wednesday that he plans to appeal a decision by the region’s higher education ministry to permanently remove him from his teaching position and ban him from future public-sector employment.

In a recorded video statement, Salafi rejected the ruling and said he does not accept it.

“This decision means nothing to me,” he said. “Any decision that is not based on law, Sharia, and justice has no value.”

Salafi also denied the allegations, claiming they were part of a coordinated effort by people who oppose him both personally and because of his beliefs.

(With files from Rudaw)

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The Hammer of Ethics and Broken Sacred Idols

Fuad Sediq | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

Between the dense smoke of religious discourse and the deep darkness of our present time, which has completely clouded our sky, our humanity and Kurdish identity are facing a major existential and moral crisis.

Religion has transformed from a spiritual manifesto into a dangerous tool of oppression and the stripping away of moral and human values.

When we carefully look at the current reality of Kurdish society, we see how political Islamic discourse and extremist Salafism have spread silently like poison through different areas of life. Here, a person with morality and a living conscience needs Nietzsche’s hammer in order to break all those imaginary idols that have grown in the name of holiness in the hearts of our cities and have pushed society toward emptiness.

Nietzsche taught us that most of those who claim asceticism, purity, and fear of God actually seek only to hide their wild instincts behind the thick curtain of religion. What we see today in Kurdistan under the title of preacher and religious scholar is a living example of that slave morality which pulls humanity backward and strips life of its true and beautiful meaning, leaving only shadows, fear, and accusations of heresy behind.

These preachers, who have occupied the intellectual and social arena, have filled society with intellectual bacteria that directly paralyze the sensitive nerves of reason. They have produced a discourse that disgusts any dignified and free person and makes coexistence impossible.

When a Salafi figure destroys a family and separates a woman from her husband merely to satisfy his own instincts, this is not a personal issue or a temporary deviation. Rather, it is the greatest failure of a closed ideological system that constantly claims moral superiority and the protection of the family.

Here we are reminded of Farag Foda’s ideas, and how he paid with his life for speaking the truth and warning that the religious state and religious fundamentalist discourse are merely decorated masks for achieving absolute power and satisfying hidden desires.

Foda believed that when religion becomes mixed with political and social conflict, the first victim sacrificed on the table of interests is morality and honesty. These Salafis today represent the “sacred ignorance” that Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd and Olivier Roy repeatedly described as a major danger; they bend religious texts according to their desires and interests, turning them into whips for punishing their opponents.

The committee formed to investigate the case involving Latif Salafi and the female students of the College of Sharia carries a great historical and moral responsibility. What is happening on the margins of these events is not merely an administrative investigation; it is a test of national morality and conscience.

The spreading of pressure and fear on social media to force the female victims into silence is a form of psychological terrorism intended to destroy what remains of the spirit of those young women who have already been exploited by Salafists.

David Hume, from a skeptical perspective, taught us that no one possesses absolute truth, yet this group behaves as if the keys to heaven and hell are in their pockets and seeks to turn people into slaves of a meaningless and contradictory discourse.

The responsibility of the Minister of Higher Education begins here, as a representative of reason and knowledge. He must not remain a silent observer. A minister who represents thought and learning should be a shield for those young women who have been humiliated and whose dignity has been violated under the cover of religion.

Silence in the face of such crimes means granting legitimacy and becoming a partner in the tragedy. This position was built on the blood of thousands of martyrs who sacrificed their lives for freedom and dignity, not so that universities could become testing grounds for the wild instincts of a handful of people whose minds are infected with intellectual bacteria.

Sayyid al-Qimni says that the history of religious fundamentalism is full of people who shed blood and violated honor simply to prove that they were God’s shadow on earth. Today, our preachers are repeating the same historical scenario. They are numerous in number, yet they have added no real human or intellectual value to society.

The essential question is this: in a society like Kurdistan, where for fourteen centuries simple and sincere village clerics taught human values and peace, why is there a need for so many colleges of Sharia, most of which produce extremism, backwardness, and closed-minded thinking? The clerics of the past worked for goodness and reconciliation, unlike these modern preachers whose eyes are fixed on other people’s wives and who trade in women’s bodies and dignity in the name of religion.

When George Tarabishi speaks of a disabled reason, he means precisely the kind of reason that surrenders to such discourse, a reason that neither questions nor criticizes, but merely obeys, allowing a preacher to decide the private lives and destinies of others according to his own desires.

These preachers drag society backward, toward centuries of darkness and eras when human beings were bought and sold. Our universities, which should be centers of creativity and intellectual discovery, are being turned into breeding grounds for people whose minds are infected with intellectual bacteria.

The government and the Ministry of Higher Education must conduct a deep and uncompromising review of these colleges of Sharia. Beyond promoting extremism and creating divisions among people, what have these colleges actually contributed to Kurdish knowledge? Has the time not come to stop producing extremists and morally corrupt individuals in the name of holiness? Nietzsche said that when you break idols, you hear the sound of their emptiness.

Today, if we strike these preachers with the hammer of philosophical criticism, we find nothing inside but emptiness, instinct, and frightening ignorance. They have nothing to offer except fear, intimidation, and the reproduction of slavery.

The minister’s responsibility here becomes a paternal and human duty toward all those young women who have been exploited under Salafist pressure. They need political and legal authority to stand behind them and prevent any Salafi from placing himself in the position of a god over other people. If the Minister of Higher Education remains silent today, he will be remembered as an accomplice of the offenders.

What the Salafists are doing is not merely a moral deviation; it is the spiritual and physical terrorization of human beings under the shelter of sacredness. A society in which a preacher can violate people’s honor and then justify it with religious texts is not merely a sick society, it stands on the edge of moral death. The solution requires major intellectual surgery: religious institutions that have become threats to social peace must either be closed or fundamentally reformed.

We need free human beings, not slaves who are too afraid of a preacher’s vision of hell to defend their own rights. When Nietzsche declared that God is dead, he meant that the old and oppressive meanings that had imprisoned humanity no longer functioned. Likewise, the extremist interpretations of religion that Salafists seek to impose must be allowed to die so that Kurdish people can live freely.

This modern preaching discourse consists of using technology to spread ignorance, which is the most dangerous form of ignorance. These people know only how to move backward. While the world advances toward exploring the universe and understanding the details of genetics, our preachers are still occupied with discussions about acquiring third and fourth wives and deceiving young women.

This is the national disaster that the Minister of Higher Education must confront. When George Tarabishi discusses the narcissistic wound of Islamic reason in relation to modernity, he refers to the harsh reaction displayed by religious fundamentalists in defense of their fragile position.

In Kurdistan, this reaction appears in the form of producing thousands of preachers and opening countless colleges of Sharia, which, instead of being centers of knowledge, have become factories for producing backward individuals.

Why, in a society where the majority are Muslims, do we still need so much instinct-driven preaching? The answer can be found in Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd’s thought, when he argues that religion in the hands of power-seekers and opportunists becomes a closed ideology used to control people’s minds and bodies.

These preachers do not exist to bring people closer to God; rather, they exist to separate people from truth and freedom and to keep them trapped in a constant feeling of guilt, because guilty people are easier to control. A College of Sharia within a modern university is like a foreign and poisonous element seeking to destroy science and logic.

When a Salafi, in the name of religion, pursues a married woman and then justifies taking her into his private sphere through religious reasoning, this represents the final collapse of the morality that religion claims to defend. Here Nietzsche’s hammer must shatter that imaginary idol of holiness, because any holiness that violates human dignity is merely a cover for corruption. This is exactly what Olivier Roy calls “sacred ignorance”, not illiteracy, but the separation of religion from culture, knowledge, and history.

Farag Foda sacrificed his life in confronting this kind of extremism because he understood that if religious fundamentalists gained control of society, the first thing they would destroy would be women’s dignity. Sayed Al-Qimni argues that extremists throughout history have always searched through the most private details of people’s lives in order to impose their authority.

Today in Kurdistan, this is being carried out systematically within academic institutions. The government must break its silence and review these massive religious institutions that produce nothing but ignorance and immorality. David Hume believed that religion, when placed in the hands of the ignorant, becomes a cause of moral corruption.

Natural morality tells us that no one should violate another person’s honor, yet Salafism claims that everything is permissible under the name of religious law. Universities should be places of creativity, not places where young women are exploited. We live in the twenty-first century, the age of AI, so how can an educational system still discuss the enslavement of women? What is happening today is a struggle between light and darkness; between the reason that seeks human freedom and the reason that seeks to turn people into slaves of dead texts.

If colleges of Sharia, mosques, and preachers do not serve the dignity of Kurdish people, what purpose do they serve other than destruction? The Minister of Higher Education must not submit to pressure from religious parties, because any negligence will place his name alongside the history of the Salafists themselves.

Those young women who have been wronged must know that the law should stand behind them. Silence in the face of Salafist oppression is one of the greatest injustices against humanity. We need an intellectual revolution so that reason can return to its rightful place and religion can return to people’s hearts, rather than becoming a tool for examining and controlling the bodies of young women.

Nietzsche said that he feared a day when holy people would destroy the world; today, that fear is becoming reality. All these meaningless forms of control carried out in universities in the name of religion must be dismantled. We need doctors, engineers, philosophers, researchers, artists, and great writers, not people who make human beings hate life.

Kurdistan deserves a generation that is free and possesses an open mind. This is a major test for all those who claim to support human rights: can they free Kurdish people from the grip of this sacred ignorance? The decision is in our hands, and history remembers only courage.

Until now, the power of truth has always been stronger than every mask. The fog of ignorance spread by the Salafists can be cleared only by the light of reason and by breaking these imaginary idols. The Minister of Higher Education and all decision-makers must understand that protecting the dignity of one individual means protecting the dignity of the entire nation.

Allowing this situation to continue means surrendering to a darkness that seeks to destroy every form of beauty in this land. The time has come to raise our hammers and break these false idols of holiness that have been built upon fear and exploitation, so that Kurdish people may find meaning in their lives under the light of truth and freedom.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on June 23, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

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Sexual Harassment Allegations Against Dr. Abdul Latif Salafi Shake University of Sulaimani as Students Prepare to Testify

SULAIMANI, Iraqi Kurdistan region,— Students at the College of Islamic Sciences at the University of Sulaimani say that ten female students they describe as victims are ready to testify before a university investigative committee examining allegations of sexual harassment against lecturer Dr. Abdul Latif Ahmad, also known as Abdullatif Salafi. A university spokesperson said officials are hearing all parties involved.

Salafi, also a leader within the Salafi movement and a controversial Salafi preacher.

The allegations have sparked ongoing reactions after audio recordings and claims circulated against Salafi, a lecturer and Islamic religious figure at the university.

Students from his college insist the case involves serious misconduct and say the process must not be diverted from what they describe as its original course.

Salafi Ahmad has denied all accusations, saying they are false and fabricated. In a Facebook post, he said the claims have no legal or religious basis and will not affect his message, adding that those behind the allegations should expect divine punishment.

In a written statement issued by several students from the College of Islamic Sciences, the group said they are fully convinced of the claims and assert they have witnessed more than what has been made public. They said they are prepared to present victims and testify before the committee.

The statement accuses Abdullatif Salafi of ethical violations, including sexual harassment of female students. It further claims that around ten victims have been identified and are ready to testify.

One student who signed the statement told Rudaw media that about fifteen students are aware of its contents and that others also support the claims.

The student said victims are expected to appear before the committee formed by the University of Sulaimani and urged that the investigation remain focused on verified victims and evidence.

On June 18, 2026, the University of Sulaimani announced it had formed a committee to investigate the allegations following public reaction.

University spokesperson Dr. Johan Osman said that the committee is a fact finding and follow up body tasked with conducting a detailed review of all aspects of the case.

He added that the committee includes legal experts and is working in coordination with the public prosecution in Sulaimani. He also said that any victim who wishes to speak will be fully heard and that no part of the case will be ignored.

The students outlined six main accusations against Salafi. They allege that academic grades were manipulated in exchange for inappropriate behavior toward female students, contributing to discrimination and dissatisfaction among students.

They also allege that exam questions were sold in exchange for gaining favor with female students. The students said they have evidence supporting this claim and that one of the victims is prepared to testify before both the committee and the public prosecutor.

The initial allegations were raised by a young man living outside the country known on social media as Yakhi, whose real name is Bilal Mahmoud.

He told the media that Salafi deceived four female students from the College of Islamic Sciences, who were his students, and that they were subjected to sexual harassment.

Audio recordings shared in connection with the case contain only a male voice. Yakhi said he edited the recordings over several hours to protect the identities of the women, stating that they trusted him and must remain anonymous due to social conditions.

He said the case involves four female students, not one, and that additional material exists. He added that some of the women are speaking out, while others have remained silent due to fear and social stigma.

Yakhi said one student first contacted him, and after further investigation he learned that three additional students had also reported harassment by the lecturer.

He also said he has repeatedly challenged Salafito a public mutual oath, known as mubahala, claiming the lecturer has refused.

The University of Sulaimani continues to state that its committee is reviewing all claims and will hear testimony from all relevant parties.

Students insist that the alleged victims are ready to testify, while Salafi maintains that all accusations against him are false and without legal or religious foundation.

Many observers and analysts say that in Sulaimani, which is under the influence and control of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) led by Bafel Talabani, PUK-linked TV channels and media outlets appear to be presenting coverage that is supportive of Salafi.

Critics accuse these outlets and the PUK party of lacking transparency and say the PUK should allow a fully open and transparent investigation to proceed without influence.

They also claim that parts of the media coverage are trying to portray Salafi in a positive light, a view that others dispute.

(With files from Rudaw | Agencies)

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Commercializing Science; Higher Education Between Money and Learning

Twana Muhammad Nuri | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

The capitalist system is not only an economic model for organizing buying and selling. It is also a cultural and power-based logic that tries to place all sectors of social life under the control of free market competition.

In Iraq’s Kurdistan Region, this phenomenon is part of a global wave of “neoliberalism in education” that, after 2003, in a strong and unplanned way, pushed our academic institutions into the logic of profit and turned science from a “right” into a “commodity.”

In recent years, the idea of “science as a public service and a public right” in the Kurdistan Region has moved backward toward the interest of “science as a commercial product.” This shift has made universities, instead of becoming centers for developing knowledgeable and thoughtful people, turn into centers for collecting capital and producing diplomas as a commercial brand. In this situation, the value of a diploma is reduced from its scientific content to the material price that a student pays to buy a seat.

The clearest sign of this commercialization is the uncontrolled increase in private universities without proper academic and national oversight. While there are only 20 public universities across the region, the number of private universities and institutes has reached around 35 institutions.

Most of these universities are run by political elites and large companies linked to parties, who see education as an “investment sector” rather than a national project. This has created a kind of “educational apartheid” and a harsh class division, where the quality of education is available only to the children of wealthy classes.

The government, under the excuse of a “financial crisis,” has ignored laboratories and basic services in public universities. But this neglect appears to be a deliberate policy to “weaken the public sector.” The goal is to make public universities less valued in the eyes of citizens, so people are forced to turn to private universities for the quality that was once a “right,” and pay heavy fees. In this way, higher education has changed from an opportunity for “equality and social mobility” into a “class privilege,” where the poor are left only with underfunded universities.

The logic of the market has not only affected the private sector but has also created a form of “internal privatization” in the public sector. Because of budget cuts and the lack of reform in management systems, the models of “parallel study” and “evening study” were imposed as sources of income for public universities. This has damaged the essence of the university as an independent institution and turned it into a government-run shop.

Under this system, the principle of “academic merit” has been broken. Students, regardless of their ability or real grades, can buy important study seats simply with money. This policy has turned the moral meaning of education into a market slogan: “Pay money and become whatever doctor or engineer you want!” This has weakened public trust in diplomas and expertise.

This large financial burden, which ranges annually between 2 and 12 million dinars, has made university admission no longer based on “intelligence,” but on the “size of the wallet.” This is not only unfair, but it deprives society of talented young people whose only fault is their family’s poverty. It is the destruction of national human capital for the benefit of a few wealthy individuals.

The most dangerous consequence of this commercialization is the change in the “definition of the student.” When the relationship between learner and university turns from a “knowledge-based relationship” into a “financial contract,” scientific quality becomes a sacrifice for customer satisfaction. The student is no longer seen as a “researcher and critic,” but as a “consumer” who only expects a service in exchange for money.

But students did not remain silent consumers. The strong protests in recent years demanding the restoration of stipends and improvement of dormitories were a legitimate cry against this system. These protests showed that Kurdish students still see themselves as holders of “rights” rather than consumers, and are not willing to stay silent in the face of policies that starve and destroy public education.

Here, the goal of the university becomes “customer satisfaction” instead of “producing knowledge.” The student is forced to think only about how to fill the pockets of investors in order to obtain a “piece of paper” (a diploma), which is only seen as a work permit. This reduces the university from an intellectual workshop into a certificate-printing office.

This situation has led to the gradual disappearance of the humanities (such as philosophy, literature, and history), because the market sees them as “non-profitable fields.” This creates a generation that is technically trained to obey instructions, but is intellectually powerless and unable to question oppressive structures. This is the killing of “critical thinking” inside the university itself.

The situation of teachers and academic staff within this market is extremely bad. The university professor, once a leading intellectual figure, has been reduced to a temporary employee under constant threat from short-term contracts and cuts to salaries and academic allowances. This has destroyed job security and academic dignity.

The ongoing struggle of teachers and their boycotts of classrooms for fair wages and rights is not only a material demand. It is also a defense of the public sector and the dignity of science. Teachers have shown through their stance that universities cannot survive when their scholars are struggling for basic living needs. This resistance is a way to prevent the complete collapse of education.

On the other hand, unhealthy competition in academic rankings is no longer about the progress of knowledge. Instead, it is used as advertising to attract more “customers.” This has emptied the scientific process of its real meaning and turned universities into companies that care only about external image, not the real quality of intellectual production.

The mixing of party culture with the interests of business oligarchs has reduced universities from centers of knowledge into “profit-making companies.” This is exactly a form of “investment in hopelessness,” where power uses the financial crisis and youth unemployment to sell diplomas and turn universities into tools for controlling society.

Higher education must be saved from this “commercial prison.” This requires a structural struggle to regain “academic independence,” provide fair funding for public universities through taxes on large corporations, and restore dignity to teachers and students. The minds of the new generation must not be sacrificed for the profit of a few businessmen. Science must be a tool for human liberation, not a product for sale.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on June 16, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

Facts about Kurdistan: Taxi drivers with college degree in Iraqi Kurdistan!

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ERBIL,—The Iraqi final of the 25th “Chinese Bridge” Chinese Proficiency Competition for Foreign College Students took place Wednesday at Salahaddin University in Erbil, in Iraq’s Kurdistan region, Xinhua reported.

Nine finalists participated in the competition, which consisted of three sections: a talent performance, a themed speech, and a knowledge quiz.

Bahroz Kanabi Ismael, a second-year student in the Chinese Department at Salahaddin University, secured first place in the contest.

His victory earned him the opportunity to represent Iraq at the global finals of the “Chinese Bridge” competition in China.

Speaking at the event, Chinese Consul General in Erbil Liu Jun said participation levels and contestants’ Chinese-language abilities have increased steadily since the Kurdistan region hosted its first edition of the competition in 2022.

He said the trend demonstrates growing interest in learning Chinese across Iraq.

Liu also said he hoped language exchanges would encourage more young Iraqis to serve as ambassadors of friendship between China and Iraq and support stronger bilateral relations.

Safeen Dizayee, head of the Foreign Relations in the Kurdish authority, expressed appreciation to China for its ongoing efforts to build cultural and educational connections with the Kurdistan region.

Interest in the Chinese language has expanded in Iraq in recent years.

Salahaddin University became the first university in Iraq to offer an academic degree in Chinese in 2019, while University of Baghdad established the Chinese Department in 2025.

(With files from Xinhua)

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Kurdish youth have built a life with zero Arabic, no Arabic songs, no Arabic dramas or movies, no Arabic news, no interaction with Arab tourists

SULAIMANI,— Although Arabic is the official language of Iraq, and Kurdish students study it from the primary level in schools across the Kurdistan Region, most still do not learn it even after completing university.

A university professor says, “Learning English has taken the place of Arabic in the Kurdistan Region.”

Rêkar Mariwan, 24, who graduated last year from the College of Administration at the University of Sulaimani, says that he studied Arabic for more than 12 years, yet even now he does not understand it or speak it.

He said, “Even now, I still don’t understand Arabic grammar. I can’t tell the difference between verb forms, particles, vowels, or the hamza. When I speak, I mix up feminine, masculine, and dual forms. Honestly, it’s a difficult and unpleasant language. Kurdish and Arabic are very different and far from each other, and even many of their letters are not similar. No matter how much I tried, I couldn’t learn it.”

He added, “Maybe the problem is that my friends and I don’t have any exposure to Arabic in our daily lives. We don’t listen to Arabic songs, we don’t watch Arabic dramas or movies, our news sources are not in Arabic, and we don’t interact much with Arabs. That’s why it’s hard to learn Arabic through a study program when we only try to pass exams.”

Rêkar is just one example of thousands of Kurdish students and young people in Kurdistan who, despite studying Arabic, do not really know the language, unlike their parents and grandparents, who grew up under Ba’ath rule and learned Arabic for various reasons.

Hassan Al-Dulaimi, a 40-year-old Arab man from Anbar who has lived in Sulaimani city for several years, learned Kurdish out of necessity for work. Not only does he understand Kurdish, but he also speaks it.

“He said, “From what I have noticed, many Kurds over the age of fifty know Arabic, because most of them either served in the military or studied in institutes and universities in Baghdad, Mustansiriya, or Mosul, and they had daily contact with Arabs.”

“Most of them also listened to famous Arab artists like Umm Kulthum, Mayada Al-Hanawi, and Kadim Al-Sahir.”

“Unlike young people today, who did not serve in the military and did not need to go to Baghdad or Mosul for university, only those who need it for work, such as doctors, traders, or shopkeepers, learn Arabic.”

He added, “In my opinion, the most important factor that makes people learn Arabic is work necessity.”

“For example, I learned Kurdish because most of my work is with Kurds, and I had no choice but to learn it, as I deal with buying and selling daily.”

“Otherwise, there are people who came with me to Sulaimani and still live here but have not learned Kurdish.”

“Often, when buying or making transactions, they ask someone who knows Arabic to translate for them.”

This comes at a time when learning English, due to its widespread use today, has become a basic necessity, especially for Kurdish students and youth to connect with the world. This has also reduced the importance given to Arabic.

Tavge Omar, an Arabic teacher who has been teaching at the high school level for 25 years, points out that all signs indicate a decline in interest in Arabic.

He said, “Young people in Kurdistan today listen to Kurdish singers much more than Arab artists. They no longer listen to Persian or Turkish artists as they used to.”

“They do not watch Arabic dramas, and their interaction with Arabs is very limited. Even though many Arabs have come to cities in Kurdistan, social interaction is still limited, and this has not led to young people learning Arabic.”

He added, “From what I have observed, Arabic is one of the subjects that Kurdish students struggle with in both basic and high school levels, and they do not get high grades in it. This generation is more focused on learning English than Arabic.”

Experts in the field of the Arabic language, in addition to these factors, also point to several other reasons for the weakness in learning Arabic in the education system of the Kurdistan Region.

Ata Abdulqadir, an Arabic language expert and university professor, points out that one sign of the lack of interest in Arabic among Kurdish youth is that in recent years, the number of Kurdish students willing to study Arabic at university has dropped to nearly zero.

This is because learning this language is not a necessity in today’s job market, and there are no longer enough job opportunities, such as becoming an Arabic teacher in the Ministry of Education.

He said, “In contrast, in recent years, dozens and even hundreds of kindergartens, schools, institutes, and private universities have opened in the Kurdistan Region where the main language of instruction is English, not Kurdish or Arabic.”

“This is because English today is a global language, and most science, technology, and the internet are in English. It is also the most important tool for communication with the outside world.”

“This is now the case in the education systems of most countries, even if English is not their official language. This has led to English replacing Arabic in the Kurdistan Region.”

This Arabic language expert, regarding why Kurdish students do not learn Arabic, points out that there are many reasons, from the curriculum and teaching methods to the school environment, class time, and students’ motivation to learn.

He said, “Research results show that, unfortunately, although high school graduates spend eight years studying this language, and then most of them study Arabic for four more years at university, they still cannot speak it.”

“Clearly, presenting grammar and language rules in a purely theoretical way is not only ineffective, but it also makes students tired and causes them to lose the desire to learn the language. They begin to see it as difficult.”

He added, “Solving the problem of learning Arabic is not only the responsibility of the Ministry of Education. Media channels can also play an effective role in this area, which has not been noticeable in Kurdistan in recent years.”

“One of the biggest weaknesses in both teaching and learning is poor communication, meaning speaking and listening, which leads to not learning grammar, phonetics, and proper sentence formation.” he concluded.

This report, by Mohammed Hawzhin, was translated from Awene newspaper from Kurdish language.

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Scherco R. Baban | Exclusive to iKurd.net

This article was written on January 6, 2011. I originally sent it to an English magazine in Erbil called IKP (International Kurdish Press), but it was never published. I found the draft in an old email a few days ago, and I believe it is still worth reading to compare our current situation in the Kurdistan Region with that of 2011.

On Thursday night, a day before New Year’s Eve 2011, I went out with friends to a trendy spot in central Erbil: Speedy Center. We were there to enjoy the evening and socialize in a festive atmosphere.

The night started perfectly. The DJ was talented, spinning a wide variety of music in several languages. However, the mood shifted when one of my friends suggested we hear some Kurdish music. He approached the DJ and asked for just one or two Kurdish songs.

To our utter shock, the DJ responded that playing Kurdish music was “forbidden.”

I couldn’t believe my ears. I asked my friend to repeat the question, but the answer remained the same. We were stunned. The DJ, originally from war-torn Baghdad—where Iranian-style bans on Western music were then flourishing—wouldn’t even have been allowed to “DJ” in his home city at the time. Yet, he came to tolerant Kurdistan, where he was embraced with open arms, only to forbid us from hearing our own language in our own capital.

What Did We Fight For?

I found myself asking: What did we fight for? Did we fight merely for commercial shopping malls? Did we fight so that foreigners could live in “English,” “Canadian,” or “Martian” villages while refusing even to use the constitutional name of our region—Kurdistan—preferring instead the term “Northern Iraq”? Have we reached a point where our own language is considered “unfashionable” or “not in”?

Did our Peshmerga fight so that Kurdish would become a secondary language only spoken by the “uncool” peasants, or the families of the martyrs? I want to ask the President of the Kurdistan Region:

“Your Excellency, did you lose half of your family and your loved ones only to allow people who hate us to succeed at cultural assimilation through ‘democratic’ means where they failed with military force?”

Many of those now flooding into our safe and prosperous region once denied the former regime’s use of weapons of mass destruction against our people. Now, we allow them to deny us the very name of Kurdistan and the use of our mother tongue. What happened? Was it Kurdistan we fought for, or was it the “defter”—the $10,000 stacks of cash?

A Matter of Identity

Let me ask a simple question to any honest person: Would anyone dare forbid English in London? Or Turkish in Istanbul? It would be unthinkable to forbid Swedish in liberal Stockholm. So why do we allow it here?

As I walk the streets of Erbil, I see signs in every language imaginable. While Kurdish is still repressed in neighboring countries, here in our capital, it is being sidelined by choice. I heard the Governor of Erbil encouraged shopkeepers to decorate for Christmas festivities. While I am a big fan of Christmas, I would much rather see him mandate that Kurdish be included on every shop sign in the city.

The next day, my friends and I went for coffee at a place called Costa Rica Cafe. Once again, we were met with a menu written only in Arabic and English. There was no Kurdish to be found. Someone replied sarcastically, “Kurdish is not fashionable.”

A Disappointing Future?

Congratulations, Peshmerga! We have successfully turned Erbil into Al-Arbil, a second Dubai—at the cost of our own identity.

A few days later, I left Al-Arbil for the “Ostan of Al-Sulaymaniyah,” formerly known as Silêmanî, the crown jewel of the Babans. I was equally disappointed. What does the future hold for us? Will we have any place left that we can truly call home? Will we have Peshmerga willing to fight for it for real, or will we place that burden on the international community? What if they don´t?

I hope my fears are wrong, and I hope the studies of professor Robert D. Putnam about diversity and multiethnicity societies from a few years ago are also wrong—but I am just saying.

Scherco R. Baban, an independent researcher and analyst specializing in Kurdish Question and The Middle Eastern security, economical and cultural dynamics.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

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BAGHDAD — Iraq’s Ministry of Higher Education has announced a nationwide ban on smoking in all public and private universities and colleges, beginning with the 2025–2026 academic year, according to an official statement issued Monday.

The new rule applies to teachers, administrative staff, and students, the ministry said. Penalties will be imposed on anyone who violates the regulation. The fines are set at 25,000 Iraqi dinars ($19) for teachers, 15,000 dinars ($11.5) for university employees, and 10,000 dinars ($7.5) for students caught smoking in prohibited areas.

The statement also said that the sale of cigarettes and other tobacco products will not be allowed inside any university or college buildings or facilities.

The statement said the ban includes “smoking in any known area inside the university, including its buildings, halls, corridors, and surroundings, or in any enclosed area within the university. Inviting others or encouraging them to smoke inside the university.”

The ministry explained that the decision is intended to promote a healthier and cleaner educational environment.

The statement did not mention a complete ban across university complexes but referred specifically to smoking inside university buildings and facilities. It is therefore understood that smoking outside, in open-air areas of the campus, is still allowed.

Several universities in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region, including those in Erbil and Sulaimani, had previously introduced internal bans on smoking.

However, this new directive expands the rule to all institutions nationwide and makes it legally binding.

Although smoking is widely practiced in Iraq, government efforts to limit tobacco use have faced inconsistent enforcement. A general ban on smoking in or around public buildings was first enacted in 2009, following earlier campaigns launched after 2003 to promote public health.

A 2015 report by Iraqi health advocates estimated that an average of 55 Iraqis die every day from diseases linked to smoking, while about 10 people a day lose their lives to violence or terrorism. Health experts say the figures highlight the heavy toll of tobacco use on Iraq’s population.

According to surveys, smoking rates in Iraq remain high at roughly 31 percent among men and 4 percent among women.

In the Kurdistan Region, the overall rate is lower at 15.3 percent, including 25.1 percent for men and 2.7 percent for women.

While advertising tobacco is officially banned, enforcement remains weak.

A 2015 World Health Organization (WHO) survey reported that cigarette advertisements could still be found in Baghdad, including near hospitals and schools. The same report noted that 13 percent of Iraq’s districts had no funded programs to help smokers quit.

Cigarette taxes remain relatively low, with most packs selling for under one U.S. dollar. Despite opposition from religious leaders, who generally view smoking as un-Islamic, the practice continues to be seen by many Iraqis as a socially acceptable habit.

(With files from Agencies)

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