The Impacts of Political Islam on Human Rights in Iraqi Kurdistan and Its Role in the Suppression of Freedom

Twana Muhammad Nuri | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

To understand Islamic movements in Kurdistan, it is necessary to view them as political entities, not just religious ones. Political Islam (such as the Islamic Union, Komal, and other parties) is a conservative political movement that emerged in the region to reduce public freedoms and control society.

These movements clash with the lives of the people and function as political projects aimed at controlling individuals and returning the region to darker times in its political history.

According to scholars who study the Muslim Brotherhood, the main issue is that political Islam uses religion as a violent political tool to control individuals. These parties, like other right-wing groups in the region, have greater influence during times of crisis.

They instill fear in people to prevent workers and citizens from demanding their rights or changing the system. Political Islam acts as a conservative wall, protecting the privileges of those in power by frightening people away from positive and progressive changes.

Historically, these movements have always served as instruments of pressure for regional governments. Their existence was often supported financially and logistically by countries that wanted to prevent progressive and freedom-seeking reforms in Kurdistan.

When a party operates with external funding and political plans, it is clear that its goal is not to serve citizens but to implement plans that force Kurdish people into a mindset against freedom and human rights.

One of the most concerning aspects of political Islam is its fundamental opposition to gender equality. At its core, this movement is based on rejecting the recognition of women as equal human beings. They see equality as a threat and aim, in the name of “holiness,” to legally enforce gender discrimination.

For political Islam, any effort toward equality is considered a challenge to the patriarchal system, which uses religion as a tool to maintain power. Therefore, real progress requires rejecting these anti-equality views.

Practices such as the use of the veil or displays of modesty are nothing more than attempts to erase women’s identity and promote the party’s ideological control over their bodies. This is a form of fascism because it seeks to erase individual differences and force everyone into a single, silent mold. Here, the veil carries not a religious message but a political one: to reject personal freedom and present women as mere propaganda tools rather than individuals with agency.

Political Islam tries to shape Kurdistan according to the 21st century’s global and human values, but in a regressive way. They want to build a “cultural wall” separating people and claim that human rights and equality are unnecessary.

This is a political strategy to maintain patriarchal dominance under the guise of religious “uniqueness,” silencing any voice that seeks freedom. In reality, the Kurdish people’s desire for freedom does not differ from that of anyone else in the world.

These movements systematically attack education. They aim to transform schools from centers of science and critical thinking into places for “indoctrinating children.” When a child is educated under a political-religious ideology from a young age, they may grow up dogmatic and unable to coexist with people who think differently. This poses a serious threat to the future of society and cultural development.

Political Islam consistently emphasizes death and judgment, viewing life on earth as temporary and insignificant. This worldview prevents them from developing genuine plans for happiness, economic growth, or cultural enrichment. When young people pursue music, art, sports, and enjoyment in life, political Islam considers these acts sinful. This creates a conflict between their death-centered culture and the people’s life-centered culture.

Historically, one of the first steps political Islamic movements take in occupying public spaces is to attack art. Banning music and visual arts is not just a religious issue, it is a systematic effort to remove sources of joy and expression from human life. When music is labeled “sin” and art is deemed “forbidden,” society loses opportunities for emotional and creative development. This suppression creates an environment where only party and religious narratives are heard.

Over time, music and arts have been a central part of the people’s cultural identity. Political Islam, by prohibiting these forms of expression, attempts to rewrite society’s history so that no diverse voices remain. These restrictions lead to a “silent society” where individuals cannot criticize or express themselves through art. In reality, the fear of music and imagery reflects the fear of freedom itself—the freedom that art provides to human beings.

The exodus of youth from the region is not only due to economic crises but also because of the intellectual and social repression that political Islam imposes. According to Kurdistan parliamentary elections in 2024, Islamic parties won only 10 out of 100 seats, which is just 10% of total representation. This shows their limited influence on political decision-making.

Additionally, according to the Ministry of Displacement and Refugees, in 2023 nearly 20,000 people left Iraq and the Kurdistan region for European countries. When young people see their future prospects blocked, they are forced to leave their homeland. Political Islam, by killing hope and creating a “colorless prison,” drives youth to escape instead of grow and prosper.

Kurdish society, like all human societies, is moving toward modernity and freedom. Young people seek a dignified, equal, and culturally rich life. Political Islam internally opposes all of these values. It seeks total control over private life, forbidding free thought and expression. This hostility frames them as a “reactionary force” against life and progress, incompatible with the modern era.

One of the greatest myths of political Islam is its propaganda that Islam is “essential” for societal protection. However, the experience of other countries, such as China, shows that social systems can thrive without religious enforcement. Kurdish society does not need religious policing to maintain order; it needs laws and equal rights compatible with modern life and the aspirations of the new generation.

Instead of addressing economic and political problems, political Islam constantly creates divisions. They classify people as “believers vs. non-believers” or “Muslims vs. non-Muslims” to justify their suppression as “divine opposition.” This poses the greatest threat to civic life because political parties should be evaluated based on administrative and scientific programs, not on false notions of holiness that prevent questioning and debate.

Political Islam in Kurdistan is not just a movement, it is an anti-progress movement. The only solution is the full separation of religion from the state and education. Until these movements can use religious practices for political goals, the Kurdish people cannot achieve freedom. The solution is not merely “containing” these movements, but building a secular, modern society where freedom of thought and full equality for all people is guaranteed.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on June 1, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

Ali Qaradaghi and the Tyranny of Islam Over Human Rights

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The Kurds can definitely survive without Barzanis

Serwan Zangana | Exclusive to iKurd.net

The recent protest of Lajan village in Khabat district, which erupted in late November and resulted in one person being killed and a few others injured by the Kurdistan Democratic Party forces (KDP), is another dark mark on the Barzani family’s forehead.

Apparently, the people of Kurdistan have had enough, and the residents of Lajan are another example, as they demanded jobs and basic necessities which are controlled by the Barzani family and the high-ranked members of the (KDP).

The cruelty of the (KDP) led by Massoud Barzani has been sparking protests in the past, including cracking down on protesters and shooting civilians, banning free media in the (KDP)-controlled areas, and depriving journalists of their freedom.

The Barzani family has orchestrated a plan to strike fear into the hearts of the people of Kurdistan, by controlling the most significant parts of Kurdistan and all assets and revenues of more than half of the region. Barzani has created a mini-empire of the family and built a forbidden zone. That means criticizing the members of the family’s behavior and corruption will indeed result in death or assassination.

The tyranny of Barzani has been devastating the Kurdish community throughout history, and evidently, in every situation, he has wisely been able to construct bridges to connect with Kurdish adversaries for the interest of the family. However, Barzani’s survival is under the mercy of the U.S., which is linked to Washington interests in Kurdistan and the Middle East. Indeed, Iran and Turkey are shareholders of Kurdistan’s natural resources that are controlled by Barzani.

Also, Barzani has been able to satisfy the U.S. and the regional nations as the most important factor in their relationships, and he achieved a high rate from Turkey and the U.S. for his involvement and support for the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) disarmament and the unilateral, so-called peace process of its leader, Abdullah Öcalan. “We emphasize our unchanged position and support the peace process in Turkey with all our might and consider peace as the only right way to resolve the problems,” Barzani stated.

Also, Barzani’s power in ruling the important parts of the Kurdistan region and continuing the development of the cities under the (KDP)-controlled area is attributed to the U.S. as the main beneficiary in the region. The U.S. is utilizing the role of Barzani to push its agenda into the area and deepens the American presence in the strategic region of Kurdistan. Such a shift would not be a surprise, as it has occurred in the past.

However, the Barzani family built a fortune as they turned the Kurdish revolution into a family business. The simplest question that a person can ask: What right does Massoud Barzani have to take over the entire town of Salahaddin-Pirmam of Erbil City and establish his headquarters in the mountain of Sari Rash? It is noteworthy that Sari Rash means Black Pinnacle, and after the uprising of 1991, the mountain was occupied by Barzani and the name was changed to Sari Blind, which means a person being proud and confident.

Obviously, Barzani has hijacked the City of Erbil and destroyed the value and culture of the ancient and historic city. The sanctity of the Barzani family has been perceived by many Kurds across parts of Kurdistan. Believing in Barzani’s struggle and revolution that led to the Kurdish freedom in Southern Kurdistan is a complete fallacy. The heinous acts of Barzani are witnessed by many Kurds, including members and leaders of the Kurdish tribes across Kurdistan.

The barbaric operations of the (KDP) led by the Barzani family have ended the lives of many important Kurdish figures and tribal leaders who played major roles in the Kurdish revolution and the 1991 uprising.

Zaid Omar Agha Surchi, in an interview with Kurdish media Channel 8, divulged how his family, including his father Omar Agha Surchi and his uncle Hussein Agha Surchi, embraced the Kurdish political leaders, including Massoud Barzani, and cordially welcomed them in their house in Kalakin village.

It is noteworthy that the Surchi tribe leaders, Omar and Hussein Agha, assisted both Barzani and Talabani during the 1991 uprising. But in fact, Barzani’s intolerable mentality toward other powerful Kurdish tribes has driven him to sweep and murder leaders and figures in Kurdistan.

By the order of Barzani in 1996, the (KDP) attacked and swept Kalakin village, murdering the tribe leader Hussein Agha Surchi and many others in the village. It should be noted that a few weeks later after the attack, one member of the (KDP), who participated and entered the village, described the vicious attack and the raid of the houses. The atrocious acts of Barzani’s (KDP) have caused bloodshed in Kurdistan.

Furthermore, Zaid Surchi continued to say that the Barzani family is the reason for the problems in Kurdistan, and in addition to Surchi leaders, the family murdered the tribal leaders of Bradost, Zebari, Siyan, and many more Kurdish figures throughout history.

Evidently, Barzani is ramping up pressure on the Kurdish tribes to surrender their tribal sovereignty to his rule. The December clashes between the Herki tribe and Barzani’s (KDP) in the Khabat area of Erbil City are another continuous example of Barzani’s mindset to seize their power and dominate the entire region.

Barzani plays a significant role in southern Kurdistan in serving Turkey’s interests and the U.S., which are the two important powers that Barzani knows carry weight to impact the region. Barzani has shown strength and confidence as his merciless (KDP) forces are cracking down on the people of Kurdistan, including protesters and journalists. Indeed, the opening of the massive U.S. consulate in Erbil is adding muscles to the Barzani family.

According to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), on December 3, 2025, the U.S. opened the largest consulate in the world in Erbil, as U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Michael Rigas and the Barzani Family, including Massoud, Masrour, and Nechirvan, attended the ceremony.

President Donald Trump is also advocating to keep the U.S. troops in Kurdistan as a base for military operations against the Islamic State (ISIS) and to establish a vigilant watchtower monitoring Iran and its proxies. However, while the U.S. is deepening its ties with Barzani, it keeps its silence on the human rights violations in Kurdistan and the corruption of the Barzani family. In fact, the total failure of the (KRG) in running government facilities and paying salaries to its civil employees is not the concern of the U.S., as long as oil exports are operating normally.

According to The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, after more than two years of closing the Iraqi-Turkey pipeline (ITP), a deal was facilitated by the U.S.: Iraq, the Kurdistan Region, and the International Oil Companies agreed to reopen the pipeline, and through Turkey, crude oil was shipped to the U.S.

The Kurdistan region has become a gold pot for the surrounding nations, the U.S., and the Barzani family, while the majority of the people of Kurdistan are impeded from some basic human rights. The U.S. and Turkey are generating the power of Barzani as he is paving paths and building bridges to continue serving the interests of these countries, and hence, strengthen the family’s power in Kurdistan and inflate the bank accounts of its members.

The atrocities of the Barzani’s (KDP) have been hidden behind the City of Erbil’s development, shopping centers and malls, hotels, and bars. And above all, the family members’ appearances, including sons and nephews, are a modern tactic in influencing the public. Again, the major problem arises with Barzani’s name being sanctified in many Kurds’ minds, and therefore, instead of loyalty to Kurdistan, Barzani per se is the cause and the purpose to sacrifice their lives for.

Barzani’s domination and his heinous actions have expanded beyond the (KDP)-controlled territories, as in fact, the members of the group can simply travel across the region and commit acts against the opposition. The recent assassination attempt of Kurdish journalist Hemin Mamend in Sulaimani City by a group linked to the (KDP) is another clear example of Barzani’s oppressive regime and his dark era in the Kurdistan region.

Kurds have survived and continued their revolution and life journey after Mustafa Barzani, as he left the Kurds behind after the 1975 collapse and went into exile in Iran. It was not Mustafa Barzani but Qazi Muhammed, who did not abandon his people and during the execution said, “Ultimately, you are achieving nothing. I am dying for the freedom of my people, and I am proud of this honorable death. Even at the moment when my body hangs from the rope, my shoes are above my enemy’s head.”

Therefore, as Kurdistan has better individuals than Barzani to lead, the Kurds can definitely survive without him.

Serwan Zangana, a contributing writer for iKurd.net, lives in Virginia, U.S. He serves as a correction officer.

The views expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of iKurd.net or its editorial team.

Copyright © 2025 iKurd.net. All rights reserved

Massoud Barzani between corruption, political crisis, and psychology behind his actions

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Sara Hussein | Exclusive to iKurd.net

Every society that claims to value equality must face one simple question: can a relationship built on unequal rights ever be moral? The practice of polygamy, one man allowed several wives, still survives under legal and religious protection in parts of the Muslim world. Its defenders call it divine wisdom, its victims call it ordinary injustice.

Polygamy treats love like a ration. A man divides his time, affection, and resources among several women who are expected to accept the fragments as proof of faith.

No rule or verse can manufacture fairness in that arrangement. The arithmetic of emotion doesn’t work that way. Each woman lives half-loved, always measuring herself against the others, while the man’s authority remains unquestioned.

Supporters point to historical reasons, wars, widows, survival, but those reasons belong to a world of scarcity, not to a century that speaks the language of consent and choice.

Today, women are no longer property to be “protected” through marriage. They are citizens, professionals, thinkers. To keep polygamy alive is to pretend that half of society has not evolved.

Even when entered “voluntarily,” the choice is rarely free. Economic dependence and social pressure disguise obedience as consent. A woman who rejects a polygamous offer risks being labeled disobedient or unfaithful to her culture. Power, not piety, enforces the system.

Across the Muslim world, reformist scholars and activists are beginning to name this contradiction. They argue that a principle that once sought compassion now produces humiliation.

The moral core of any belief should be justice, when justice is impossible, the practice must end. Many Muslim-majority countries already recognize this: Tunisia banned polygamy decades ago, Morocco restricts it severely, and even clerics in Indonesia and Egypt question its ethical cost.

The modern standard of humanity is clear. Equality in love and partnership is not negotiable. Any tradition, religious, cultural, or political, that places one gender above another cannot survive honest moral scrutiny.

The question is no longer whether men may take four wives, it is why any society that calls itself just would still allow it.

Men in Iraqi Kurdistan Circumvent the Law to Marry Twice

In Iraqi Kurdistan, laws claim to protect women from polygamy, but in practice, the system is full of loopholes, legal tricks, and cultural double standards.

The question is no longer just about religion or tradition, it is about power, control, and whether society will finally enforce equality, or continue to let male privilege dictate who can love, live, and choose freely.

Polygamy in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region is officially restricted. Kurdish law allows a man to marry a second wife only in exceptional cases, such as when the first wife cannot have children, and only with both judicial approval and her written consent.

Despite these strict rules, many men bypass them by leaving Kurdistan and marrying again in other parts of Iraq, where federal law is more lenient and allows multiple marriages with far fewer restrictions.

Under Islamic tradition, a man may have up to four wives if he can “deal justly” with each of them. This principle has influenced family laws across Muslim-majority countries for centuries.

In Iraq, the 1959 Personal Status Law codified this practice, allowing men to take another wife with a judge’s approval. Applicants must provide a valid reason and demonstrate the financial means to support multiple spouses. Men who marry without permission face fines and potential prison sentences.

When the Kurdistan Region gained autonomy, it sought to modernize its legal framework.

In 2008, lawmakers tightened the personal status law significantly. Now, a man in Kurdistan can marry a second wife only under “exceptional circumstances,” such as infertility of the first wife. He must obtain judicial approval and the written consent of his first wife.

Violating these rules carries penalties of six to twelve months in prison and fines of up to ten million Iraqi dinars (approximately USD 8,600). Women’s rights groups celebrated the reform as a milestone, citing a sharp decline in polygamous marriages.

Despite these efforts, loopholes persist. The most common is geographic: outside Kurdistan, Iraq still follows the 1959 law rooted in Sharia-based personal status codes. Men wishing to circumvent Kurdish restrictions travel to cities like Kirkuk, Makhmour, or Khanaqin to remarry legally.

These areas, with substantial Kurdish populations, continue to register multiple marriages. Unofficial 2014 data estimated around 450 Kurdish men married second wives in Kirkuk and 150 in Makhmour in a single year. Over two years, roughly 1,150 Kurdish men reportedly used this “marriage tourism” to bypass regional restrictions.

Critics argue this undermines Kurdistan’s reforms. Women’s rights activists note that first wives often face pressure, manipulation, or threats if they refuse consent, highlighting the private toll of these arrangements.

Some campaigners call for a unified personal status law across Iraq, combined with public education on gender equality, to address the issue.

A related trend is the rise of Islamic Misyar marriage, or “temporary marriage.” In this arrangement, couples live separately, and women often waive traditional rights such as financial support or inheritance.

Proponents claim it offers flexibility, but critics say it enables exploitation and reinforces gender inequality.

Kurdish activists describe Misyar as a way for men to bypass moral and legal limits, while some Islamic clerics defend it as a solution for widows, divorcees, or unmarried women seeking companionship.

The Kurdistan Region’s reforms aimed to modernize family law and promote gender equality. However, cross-border marriages and the growth of alternative arrangements like Misyar reveal how fragile this progress remains.

Legal restrictions alone cannot ensure justice. Until laws are enforced effectively and cultural double standards are addressed, polygamy in all its forms will continue to challenge the promise of a modern, equitable Kurdistan.

Kurdistan cannot keep pretending that conditional polygamy is acceptable. The law must end the fiction that a man can ever have multiple official wives.

Elastic exceptions, loopholes, and judicial approvals only serve to protect male privilege and punish women. If the region truly wants to claim progress, equality, and justice, it must follow the example of the West: one man, one wife, no excuses, no exceptions. Anything less is a betrayal of women and of modern society.

Sara Hussein, a Kurdish writer living abroad, she focuses on politics, culture, and religion. She is a contributing writer for iKurd.net.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2025 iKurd.net. All rights reserved

Syrian Kurdistan grants equal rights to women

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Hêmin Mamend says “The Same Group That Killed Sardasht Osman Tried to Kill Me”

SULAIMANI, Iraqi Kurdistan,— Prominent Kurdish journalist, activist, and television presenter Hêmin Mamend, who was shot and wounded in the city of Sulaimani on September 2, 2025, has revealed full details of the assassination attempt against him during a press conference held on Wednesday.

Mamend described the incident as a planned terrorist act, claiming that the same party responsible for the 2010 murder of Kurdish journalist Sardasht Osman was also behind the attempt on his life.

He directly accused the Barzanis and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) of orchestrating the attack, saying the party had both the motive and resources to carry it out. He added that this was the same political faction that has barred him and his family from returning to Erbil for the past six years.

Sardasht Osman, a young Kurdish journalist, was abducted and murdered in May 2010 after writing satirical pieces about corruption among Kurdistan’s ruling elite, particularly the Barzani family, who lead the KDP.

Osman’s poem titled “I Am in Love with Barzani’s Daughter” mocked the contrast between the Barzanis’ lavish lifestyle and that of ordinary Kurds, ultimately leading to his death.

Mamend, a presenter at Sterk TV, has long been a vocal critic of the KDP and the Barzani family. Authorities in Erbil issued a warrant for his arrest several years ago following a 2019 investigative report.

Since then, he has lived and worked in Sulaimani, a city controlled by the rival Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), which is widely regarded as more tolerant of press freedom. From there, he has continued his journalism through media outlets linked to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).

During the press conference, Mamend provided a detailed account of the day of the attack. He said that on September 2, a well-organized and professionally trained terrorist group, supported financially and logistically by a known political party, attempted to assassinate him in the Aqari neighborhood of Sulaimani.

“The first bullet and explosion were aimed directly at my head and chest,” he said. “But I defended myself, and by the grace of God, I survived. The first bullet struck my shoulder. If it had hit my neck or chest, it would have been fatal. Many people call me a living miracle, and I truly believe my survival was an act of divine mercy.”

Following the attack, Mamend underwent two major surgeries, during which doctors placed three platinum plates in his shoulder. However, his hand still does not function properly, and a bullet fragment remains lodged near his ribs. Two other bullets struck his car, causing serious damage.

“If those bullets had hit me instead of my car,” he said, “I would not be standing here today.”

Mamend said the assassination attempt was not a random act, but a premeditated and coordinated operation. “Six months ago,” he revealed, “I was warned by the Sulaimani Security Forces that my life was under threat. They informed me that there were ongoing plots and repeated attempts to target me.”

He went on to directly name those he believes were behind the attack. “That party, the Barzani and KDP faction, sent a group of ten people to carry out my assassination. Among them were four key perpetrators, three members of the Zeravani [KDP] forces, and one individual who was promised a government job in exchange for participating in the attack.”

Mamend condemned what he described as the use of government positions as rewards for acts of terrorism, saying, “Jobs in Kurdistan should go to our youth, not to terrorists. Yet in this case, someone was offered employment for trying to kill a journalist. Why am I being targeted? Simply because I speak the truth, because I expose corruption and defend the public’s right to know. I have no personal conflict with anyone.”

He appealed to journalists, international organizations, the Iraqi government, and diplomatic missions not to let his case be forgotten. “This is not a political dispute or a party issue,” he said. “This is about a journalist being attacked for doing his job and speaking the truth.”

Mamend concluded by confirming that a legal team of three lawyers is now representing him in the case and vowed to pursue justice for both himself and all journalists who have been silenced through violence in Iraqi Kurdistan.

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Jailed Shaswar Abdulwahid barred from giving TV interview

SULAIMANI, Iraqi Kurdistan — Security forces affiliated with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, or PUK, blocked a planned television interview with Shaswar Abdulwahid, a jailed Kurdish opposition leader and owner of Sulaimani-based NRT news channel, the broadcaster reported Sunday.

The interview, which was conducted over a phone call and set to air at 7:00 p.m., was halted by interior ministry personnel connected to the PUK.

NRT said the forces arrived at the station under orders from “the authorities and the Ministry of Culture,” and stopped the program “Tawtwe,” which features discussions in Kurdish with Abdulwahid.

Abdulwahid, head of the New Generation Movement (NGM) (Cûłanewey Newey Nwê), the main opposition in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, was arrested in mid-August by Sulaimani security forces.

His detention followed a judicial ruling issued on August 3 that sentenced him in absentia to six months in prison under Article 431 of the Iraqi Penal Code, which deals with making serious threats against individuals, property, or reputation. The court later reduced the sentence to five months.

In October, authorities in the Kurdistan Region auctioned off nearly 60 properties belonging to Shaswar Abdulwahid from the Chavy Land entertainment complex in Sulaimani, raising more than 91 billion Iraqi dinars, or about $69.5 million U.S. dollars, according to authorities.

The Metro Center for Journalists’ Rights and Advocacy, based in Sulaimani, criticized the decision in a statement posted on Facebook.

The group pointed out that “dozens of convicts for drug trafficking, hashish users, women killers, child killers, and several other criminals have had cameras brought into prisons and interviews conducted with them,” yet authorities blocked Abdulwahid’s interview.

The center questioned whether ministries follow parliamentary law or the rules of political parties and voiced “full support for NRT.”

NRT said it had been warned in advance by the Ministry of Culture not to air the interview, citing legal restrictions, though the broadcaster disagreed with that assessment.

A ministry decree dated October 29 instructed media outlets to refrain from interviewing prisoners, referencing Articles 3 and 6 of a 2017 instruction from the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs that prohibits bringing recording equipment into correctional facilities.

The arrest of Abdulwahid comes as Iraq prepares for federal elections on November 11. Campaign materials for Abdulwahid carry slogans that roughly translate to “Woe to the enemy whose hope lies in prison,” signaling defiance against opponents who may assume imprisonment will weaken him.

Since his detention, the NGM has said Abdulwahid’s arrest is politically motivated.

Earlier Sunday, Qubad Talabani, Deputy Prime Minister of the Kurdistan Region and a senior PUK figure, met with several media representatives in Erbil.

Talabani described media work in the KDP-controlled city as “difficult” but expressed support for journalists. He posted on Facebook that the PUK has protected press freedom and prevented “the other side” from restricting it, without specifying the parties he meant.

By contrast, authorities in areas controlled by the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), led by Massoud Barzani, have jailed numerous Kurdish journalists. In August, the KDP extended the prison term of prominent journalist Sherwan Amin Sherwani just before his scheduled release.

In recent months, concerns over press freedom have been highlighted internationally.

In August 2025, a European Union report criticized caretaker Prime Minister Masrour Barzani of the Kurdistan Region for governance and human rights issues.

In September 2025, prominent Kurdish journalist and activist Hêmin Mamend, who escaped the KDP-controlled area, was shot and injured in Sulaimani.

Mamend, a presenter at Sterk TV, is a well-known critic of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Barzani family. Authorities in Erbil had previously issued a warrant for his arrest following a 2019 report, prompting him to flee KDP territory and settle in Sulaimani.

The political landscape in Iraqi Kurdistan remains divided between the KDP and PUK. Erbil and Duhok governorates fall under KDP control, while Sulaimani is dominated by the PUK.

This division has led to fragmented governance, with each party maintaining its own security forces, including separate Peshmerga units, police, and intelligence services, alongside the nominally centralized Asayish internal security service.

Residents in KDP-controlled areas face strict limits on free expression and public demonstrations, and critical media outlets are often barred.

By comparison, according to observers, in PUK-controlled areas, citizens can voice criticism of the party in the media and take part in protests. Critical media outlets operate more freely, though incidents such as Abdulwahid’s blocked interview show that limits still remain.

The incident highlights ongoing tensions over press freedom, political influence, and the treatment of opposition figures in the region, as the November elections approach.

(With files from Rudaw | NRT | Agencies)

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BRUSSELS,— The European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) has released its 2025 Country of Origin Information (COI) report on Iraq, identifying serious human rights and governance challenges across the country, including the Kurdistan Region.

According to the report, journalists, political activists, civil servants, protesters, and other groups face systematic harassment and intimidation, highlighting weaknesses in the rule of law and the protection of civil liberties.

The report sharply criticizes the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) for its treatment of political opponents and human rights defenders.

EUAA officials noted that journalists, dissidents, and activists frequently face arbitrary detention, legal pressure, and harassment, creating a chilling effect on public debate and political activism in the region.

The report also points to a lack of judicial independence in the Kurdistan Region. Power remains concentrated in the executive branch, which the EUAA says allows violations of civil liberties to occur with limited accountability.

Complaints against authorities are rarely investigated, leaving victims with few options for legal redress.

Public protests have been another area of concern. In May 2025, disputes between the KRG and Baghdad over revenue transfers sparked widespread demonstrations by public sector workers, including teachers, protesting delayed salaries.

The EUAA report said Kurdish authorities were accused of suppressing these protests, noting that the rights of public employees to peacefully demonstrate were inadequately protected.

Political disagreements between the KRG and Baghdad over revenue sharing and constitutional obligations have also added pressure on ordinary citizens and civil servants.

The EUAA described the KRG’s handling of these disputes as contributing to regional instability.

At the national level, Iraq continues to face persistent human rights and governance challenges. The EUAA report highlights threats to civil liberties, particularly targeting journalists, human rights activists, political opposition members, and protesters.

Armed groups and militias operate with near impunity in some areas, and citizens often face little protection from violence or intimidation.

The Iraqi government’s response to these security threats is described as inconsistent, allowing non-state actors to exert significant influence over local governance.

Corruption and mismanagement of public resources remain widespread, while internally displaced persons frequently struggle to access housing, healthcare, and education, according to the report.

Freedom of assembly and expression is also under pressure nationwide. Protesters challenging government policies or corruption are at risk of arrest, harassment, and violent suppression.

Economic challenges, including high unemployment and dependence on oil revenues, further fuel public dissatisfaction and social unrest, adding to governance concerns.

The EUAA’s report concludes that urgent reforms are needed both in the Kurdistan Region and at the national level.

Authorities are urged to strengthen judicial independence, protect civil liberties, and improve security for all citizens. Without such reforms, the report warns, political repression and human rights violations are likely to continue, deepening instability across Iraq.

The full 2025 report from the European Union Agency for Asylum.

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Iraqi Kurdistan extends journalist Sherwani’s prison term by four years

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SULAIMANI,— A Kurdish press freedom group has denounced raids on the offices of local and international organizations in Sulaimani city, saying the actions amounted to unlawful seizures that threaten the work of civil society groups in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region.

The Metro Center for Journalists’ Rights and Advocacy said in a statement on Sunday, that armed men stormed a building known as the Paya office in the Sarchnar neighborhood.

The building, located near the Lalezar Hotel and the residence of former Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) co-chair Lahur Sheikh Jangi Talabani, was raided during clashes in the nearby Lalezar area.

According to Metro, the Paya office serves as headquarters for several groups: Youth Development Organization, Paya Agency, Art Plus, Iraqi and Kurdistan Waterkeepers, and the Italian-based Un Ponte Per (UPP), a nonprofit working in Iraq, the Middle East and North Africa.

The advocacy center said the raiders confiscated a large amount of equipment and property.

The seized items included a safe box with project funds, four printers, a Thuraya satellite phone, several computer sets, nine laptops, three digital projectors, three Sony and Canon cameras, Mi-Fi devices from AsiaCell, FastLink and IQ, a money counter, multiple television screens, staff passports, mobile phones, speakers, headphones, uninterruptible power supply devices and other office electronics.

Metro reported that the armed group also took everyday belongings belonging to employees, including toothbrushes, razors and clothing. In addition, other organizations reported the loss of sewing machines, an overlock machine, embroidery equipment, an electric drill, wallets containing cash and handbags.

Several sources told Metro, on condition of anonymity, that the raid occurred in the early morning hours of August 22, during heavy fighting in Lalezar.

The center said it confirmed the information directly with the affected organizations, though none of them would provide public statements, citing fears for their safety.

Metro condemned the raid, saying the targeted groups have no links to political disputes or the recent armed clashes. “The confiscation of their property has no legal basis,” the statement said.

“It prevents them from carrying out their projects and risks making the Kurdistan Region unsafe for international organizations.”

The group demanded that the stolen property be returned, that the organizations receive financial compensation for damages, and that authorities issue an official apology.

It also called on independent media outlets to investigate the raid and report the findings to the public.

Founded in August 2009 by Kurdish journalists and human rights defenders, Metro has documented press freedom in Iraq for more than a decade.

The center was established with support from the U.S.-based Institute for War and Peace Reporting and has partnered with groups including Norwegian People’s Aid, International Media Support, Gulf Center for Human Rights, Internews, IRI, and the U.S. State Department.

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ERBIL,— Authorities in Iraq’s Kurdistan region have extended the prison term of prominent Kurdish journalist Sherwan Amin Sherwani, handing him another sentence just before he was due for release, according to his lawyer and rights groups.

Sherwani, an investigative reporter from Duhok, was arrested in 2020 during protests against the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).

He has since become a symbol of the region’s crackdown on dissent under the powerful Barzani family and their ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP).

His lawyer, Mohamed Abdallah, told reporters that Sherwani was expected to walk free in September after serving six years behind bars. Instead, an Erbil court on Tuesday ordered him to serve an additional four years and five months for allegedly “threatening a prison guard.” Abdallah dismissed the charges as fabricated, saying the defense will appeal.

The latest verdict sparked chaos outside the courtroom in Erbil. Witnesses said security officers, some in plain clothes, beat Sherwani’s relatives and supporters with rifle butts after they chanted “freedom for Sherwan.” Several people, including activists and lawmakers, sustained minor injuries.

Opposition lawmaker Badal Barwari said the scuffle began when security tried to eject Sherwani’s supporters for filming on their phones. Police then removed most of the crowd. Activist Kamaran Osman, with the U.S.-based Community Peacemaker Teams (CPT), said the violence erupted as soon as chants began.

“This shows how the ruling authorities use force against peaceful voices,” Osman said.

Sherwani, former editor of “Bashur magazine”, has long been known for reporting on corruption in the Kurdish region. His arrest in 2020 came during widespread protests in Duhok and Erbil over salary delays and worsening economic hardship. Security forces loyal to the KDP detained dozens of activists and journalists in what critics called a coordinated effort to crush opposition.

In 2021, an Erbil court sentenced Sherwani and four others to six years in prison for “endangering national security.” Two years later, in 2023, he was hit with another four-year term on charges of forging a signature. Now, just months before release, another conviction has been added.

Activists say the repeated prosecutions reflect a deliberate strategy by the Barzanis to silence dissent. “Every time Sherwani nears the end of a sentence, they invent a new case,” said Ali Hama Salih, leader of the opposition Halwest party. “If the government claims he threatened an officer, then show the video. Every prison is covered with cameras.”

The CPT, which has monitored trials of the so-called “Badinan prisoners“, said its representatives attended Tuesday’s hearing. The group reported that prosecutors failed to provide any credible proof.

“The complainant claimed two witnesses were present when Sherwan made threats. Sherwan denied the allegation and asked for video evidence. Officials responded that cameras were not recording that day. No footage was shown,” CPT said in a statement.

Instead, prosecutors introduced social media posts allegedly defaming the guard. But rights groups noted the videos were posted in 2022 and 2023, while Sherwani was already in prison and barred from accessing the internet.

The Metro Center for Journalists’ Rights and Advocacy, based in Sulaimani, condemned the verdict. “From the start, these trials have lacked fairness and have been shaped by political interference. The aim is to silence critics. We call on the appeals court to overturn this ruling,” it said.

The Badinan cases have drawn condemnation from Western diplomats, human rights groups, and press freedom watchdogs. Organizations including Amnesty International and Reporters Without Borders have described the proceedings as flawed and politically motivated.

For many Kurds, the treatment of Sherwani highlights the tightening grip of the Barzani family, which has ruled Erbil and Duhok for decades. While the KRG promotes itself abroad as a stable, democratic partner, critics say corruption, arbitrary arrests, and nepotism dominate the region.

“Journalism in Kurdistan has become a dangerous profession,” said one activist outside the court. “Anyone who exposes corruption faces prison. Under the Barzanis, there is no justice—only power.”

(With files from AFP | Agencies)

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ERBIL,— A man was shot and killed by a security officer affiliated with Barzani’s Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) in Iraq’s autonomous Kurdistan region late Sunday during protests over electricity outages, according to residents and a medical source who spoke to AFP.

The incident took place in Warte town in Rawandz, a region northeast of Kurdistan’s capital, Erbil, where residents said demonstrators blocked a major highway leading to the Iranian border crossing. Local witnesses said security forces moved in to reopen the road, sparking clashes with protesters.

A medical official at Ashti hospital in the area confirmed the arrival of a man who died from gunshot wounds. Residents identified the victim as Hassan Abdul Rhaman, a 45-year-old father of ten, who was reportedly participating in the protests.

It remains unclear how exactly the man was shot, but a protester told AFP that security forces were responsible for the fatal shooting.

KDP Regional officials have yet to issue any comment regarding the protests or the incident.

Kurdistan, known for its relative stability in the otherwise volatile Iraqi landscape, recently announced improvements in electricity access.

Authorities said more than 30 percent of the region now receives 24-hour state-provided electricity.

Despite this, large parts of the region still suffer from extended power cuts, forcing many families to rely on private generators.

Although Iraq has substantial oil and gas reserves, corruption and poor management have hindered the development of adequate power infrastructure.

The national electricity grid struggles to meet demand, and much of Kurdistan’s power supply depends on imports from neighboring Iran, leading to frequent outages—especially during the hot summer months.

On Monday, the New Generation faction in the Iraqi Parliament said it plans to call for an official investigation into the deaths linked to recent protests. The faction accused the ruling PUK and KDP parties of bearing responsibility, according to NRT TV.

Sarwa Abdulwahid, the faction leader, accused the two parties of injustice, theft, and repression against the people of Kurdistan. “We will not accept that the PUK and KDP continue treating citizens like this while looting public wealth,” Abdulwahid said.

She emphasized that the failure of these ruling parties over the past 33 years has deprived citizens of basic rights, including reliable electricity and services.

She noted that the protests are not against the new electricity project itself but against its high costs and the corruption involved.

Abdulwahid also urged the the de facto Kurdish administration, which refers to itself as the Kurdistan Regional Government KRG, to negotiate a fair and lawful agreement with Baghdad to address ongoing problems.

Abdulwahid addressed her party and allies, stating, “They oppress, torture, and kill you, but regardless of their tenure, the people will hold them accountable daily.”

She further highlighted that the protester killed in Warte was affiliated with Barzani’s KDP party’s armed wing, condemning the violence and calling for justice in this world and the next.

(With files from AFP | NRT TV | Agencies)

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ERBIL,— Abdul Karim Sultan Sinjari, also known as Karim Sinjari (Shingali), a senior Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) official who served as Interior Minister and later as Chief of Staff to the President of Iraq’s Kurdistan Region, died Tuesday at age 75, Rudaw TV reported.

Born in 1950 in Shingal, Sinjari began his career as a Peshmerga fighter during the September and Gulan uprisings.

He held key positions in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), including General Director of Security from 1993 to 1994 and Interior Minister across four successive cabinets.

Sinjari graduated from Baghdad University in 1971 with a degree in law and political science and worked as a lawyer in Baghdad until 1973.

In early 2022, he went abroad for medical treatment and returned mid-year, remaining under medical supervision. Nechirvan Barzani, who is still in office as President of the Kurdistan Region, was serving at that time.

During his tenure as Interior Minister from 2006 to 2019, Sinjari faced significant criticism.

During his long tenure as Interior Minister, Sinjari faced significant criticism. Observers and human rights groups say he enabled corruption and suppressed dissent.

Despite his powerful role, he reportedly failed to act against widespread financial misconduct and abuse of power in government institutions.

Critics say he ignored the sudden increase in wealth among officials and did not hold security forces accountable for detaining, assaulting, and even killing journalists and protesters.

His ministry was accused of lacking transparency and ignoring repeated human rights violations.

Many point to Sinjari’s loyalty to the KDP leadership, particularly President Nechirvan Barzani, suggesting he prioritized party interests over constitutional duties. Reports also describe him as a multi-millionaire, raising questions about the sources of his wealth.

His silence and inaction amid ongoing abuses have led to speculation that he was either complicit, negligent, or protecting the political status quo.

Sinjari’s death ends a career marked by senior government roles and controversy.

(With files from Rudaw | Agencies)

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