Netanyahu Reaffirmed It; Israel’s Prestige Comes Before Everything Else!

Dr. Sharif Ali | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

Unlike Kurdish leaders, who put their personal and family interests ahead of the national interests of the sacred land of Kurdistan and the great Kurdish nation, and against whom we have much evidence of selling out the land, the latest being the handover of Kirkuk and Khanaqin on October 16 for party interests.

Netanyahu’s rejection of Trump’s proposal (which may itself have been part of a two-sided political maneuver) and Israel’s direct response against Iran have once again proven that Israel places its dignity and sovereignty above everything else.

It even places them above Trump’s request that it delay its attack for a few days. However, the Israelis courageously rejected Trump’s request in practice. That is why Israelis have become an influential people in the Middle East and around the world.

On April 24, 2026, I published an article in Awene titled: “America’s Plans in Continuing the Blockade of Hormuz Against Iran.” Readers can return to that article through the following link to understand those plans, because without understanding them, it is difficult to know why Iran carried out this attack against Israel at this particular time. This is not simply a game like the World Cup. The fundamental issue is this: America has been putting increasing pressure on Iran through the continued blockade of Hormuz.

In particular, America wants to gain a major advantage from increasing both the price and the export volume of American-Venezuelan oil to global markets. It wants to tell the world: “The American-Venezuelan markets are the most stable places for oil sales, and this increases their geopolitical value.” To read the key points of America’s plan regarding the blockade of Hormuz, see the following link:

Another issue that the leaders of Iran’s regime have become convinced of is that the America-Israel strategy is aimed at overthrowing the Iranian regime. This is especially evident in Israel’s determination to continue its attacks against Hezbollah in Lebanon, a terrorist organization that has been highly hostile toward the Kurds.

Since 1982, Hezbollah has been Iran’s most effective instrument against the United States and Israel. For this purpose, readers may also review my article published in Awene on May 23, 2026, titled: “Kalafami Must Realize It; Israel Will Not Leave This Iranian Regime Alone!” at the following link:

In short, the Persians are observant and politically aware. It has become clear to them that the continued blockade of Hormuz is weakening Iran and is a practical step in implementing the broader America-Israel strategy to bring down the Iranian regime.

Just as America moved step by step against Saddam’s regime after 1991, and just as America and Israel advanced tactic after tactic against Bashar al-Assad’s regime from 2011 onward, the same approach is now being applied to Iran’s regime.

Each of Iran’s and Israel’s actions and attacks, including the specific targets they have struck, requires deeper analysis and interpretation. However, I know that Kurdish readers generally do not prefer lengthy writing, even when it is useful. Therefore, I will stop with these few brief lines.

There is another issue that is important for the Kurds. In 2007, in a strategic article consisting of twenty-five points, I explained that from the time of Qazi Muhammad until 2007, all leaders of Eastern Kurdistan had made a mistake by choosing the town of Mahabad as the capital of Eastern Kurdistan.

Instead, Kermanshah (Kermanshan) should have been chosen as the capital because, according to those twenty-five points, it possesses the most significant geopolitical position among the four parts of Kurdistan. Likewise, in the coming days, I will write another strategic article titled: “A Message to Massoud Barzani, Mustafa Hijri, and Others!”

In that article, I will deliver a strategic message explaining how Kurdish leaders have made mistakes regarding a strategic issue and failed to recognize its significance. This strategic issue should be understood and utilized for the benefit of Kurdish nationalism.

Up to now, this issue has not been fully understood by any modern nationalist or politician such as Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou, by a classical nationalist such as Mullah Mustafa Barzani, by politicians such as Jalal Talabani and Abdullah Öcalan, by a tribal nationalist such as Msasoud Barzani, or by Kurdish writers in general. They have neither recognized nor understood it.

In that message, I want to clarify how and why Kurdish nationalism must adopt a different path against the occupying powers, a path that is both effective and logically sound.

Dr. Sharif Ali: PhD in International Diplomacy, United Kingdom.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on June 8, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post Israel’s Dignity Comes First, Netanyahu Made It Clear appeared first on iKurd News.

TEHRAN,— Israel launched strikes on targets in western and central Iran on Monday, prompting reports of explosions in Tehran and two other cities, Iranian state television said.

The action came despite calls from U.S. President Donald Trump for Israel to avoid a response to Tehran’s latest missile attack. The exchanges took place as the conflict reached its 100th day.

The Israeli operation came in direct retaliation after Tehran struck Israel with missiles on Sunday.

Israel said Iran fired 11 missiles, all of which were intercepted, and reported no casualties. Israeli officials described the response as retaliation and said Tehran had made a grave mistake.

Trump publicly urged restraint. Axios journalist Barak Ravid quoted Trump as saying he intended to call Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and tell him not to retaliate.

Trump was also quoted as saying both sides had already carried out strikes and that another exchange was unnecessary.

Ravid later reported that a U.S. official said Trump and Netanyahu had spoken, although neither the White House nor Trump had commented.

Iran has maintained that any agreement ending the war must also stop the parallel conflict in Lebanon. Tehran previously warned that any new Israeli attacks on Beirut would lead to a full-scale return to hostilities.

Iranian foreign ministry spokesman Ali Safari told Al-Mayadeen television that Tehran’s missile attack followed weeks of restraint, according to local media reports.

The Revolutionary Guards characterized the strike on Israel as a warning after Israel targeted Beirut’s southern suburbs earlier Monday.

Another Iranian strike on Monday targeted what Tehran described as the headquarters of “terrorist groups” in Iraqi Kurdistan.

Netanyahu’s office said Sunday that Israeli forces struck a militant command center in Beirut’s Dahiyeh district after Hezbollah fired toward Israeli territory. Lebanon’s health ministry said the attack killed two people and wounded 20 others.

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran’s parliament speaker and chief negotiator in discussions with Washington, said the United States had given a green light to the Beirut strike.

He added that U.S. and Israeli assets were now considered legitimate targets.

The head of Iran’s military central command said Israel had crossed all red lines with the Beirut operation and demanded an end to Israeli operations in Lebanon.

The Revolutionary Guards repeated that the attack on Israel was a warning and said any future response would be broader and include all U.S.-Zionist targets in the region.

Iran announced the closure of airspace in the western part of the country. Iraq and Syria adopted similar measures. Local media reported that incoming flights to Tehran’s international airport were also suspended on Sunday.

The escalation pushed crude oil prices higher as prospects faded for a near-term reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, a key route for oil and gas shipments that Iran has effectively closed.

Elaheh, a 32-year-old fitness trainer from Ahvaz, told AFP that she had become numb to events and was focused on survival, citing worsening prices and difficult daily conditions.

Mohsin Naqvi visited Tehran over the weekend. Iranian state television reported that Naqvi said he would deliver a special letter from Pakistan’s army chief to Iran’s supreme leader and a message from the prime minister.

Pakistani military leader Syed Asim Munir has been involved in mediation efforts between Iran and the United States after an initial round of direct negotiations in Islamabad.

Mohsen Rezaei, a military adviser to Iranian supreme leader Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, told CNN that negotiations with the United States had reached a deadlock and said Trump needed to break it. He also called for the release of about $24 billion in frozen Iranian assets.

Trump, however, told NBC on Sunday that Iranian assets would not be unfrozen before an initial agreement was reached, adding that talks could begin if Tehran behaved and did a good job.

British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper joined calls for restraint on X, saying the resumption of conflict between Iran and Israel was in no one’s interest, and called for diplomacy emphasizing that diplomatic efforts should be prioritized amid rising tensions in the region.

She wrote on X urging continued international engagement to prevent further escalation in the conflict.

(With files from AFP)

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BAGHDAD,— The Iraqi paramilitary and political movement Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq, also known as the Khazali Network, announced Tuesday the creation of a senior central committee charged with separating its organizational structure from the pro-Iran Shiite Popular Mobilization Forces and transferring full control of its assets to the Iraqi state.

An official statement on Tuesday said the group intends to document all its personnel and assets before handing over full operational authority to the Commander-in-Chief of the Iraqi Armed Forces.

The decision was described as consistent with long-standing religious decrees and national security frameworks that restrict weapons possession exclusively to state institutions.

The movement’s leadership named Haj Jawad al-Talibawi to head the new committee.

The body holds sweeping authority to carry out all administrative and practical steps needed to complete the separation.

Its responsibilities include conducting a full inventory of all personnel, weapons, vehicles, equipment and logistical assets held by the group.

The committee’s stated goal is to structurally align those assets with the office of the Commander-in-Chief and ensure full compliance with state regulations and the requirements of Iraq’s official security institutions.

The movement said the decision responds directly to directives from the Supreme Religious Authority, known as the Marjaiya, based in Najaf.

The group also said the step reflects positions championed by political blocs within the Coordination Framework.

Additionally, the statement noted the move brings to life a declaration made by the group’s Secretary-General, Sheikh Qais al-Khazali, on December 13, 2017, when he publicly stated his intent to dismantle the group’s paramilitary wings following the territorial defeat of the Islamic State.

Al-Khazali said at that time that all arms control should rest solely with the Iraqi state.

The announcement arrived amid sharply contrasting moves by other armed factions operating in Iraq.

The Iraqi Shiite pro-Iran group Kataib Hezbollah said on May 30 it rejected handing weapons over to the state and would continue what it called jihadist action.

That position came as Iraq’s government faces sustained pressure from the United States to disarm Iran-backed factions.

Separately, influential Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr announced on May 27, 2026, he was cutting formal ties between his Sadrist movement and its armed wing, Saraya al-Salam, ordering militia fighters to be placed under state authority.

The action supports national and international demands to restrict arms to Iraqi state forces only.

(With files from Agencies

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It is imperative that the U.S. ends the threat from Iran’s Islamic regime

Serwan Zangana | Exclusive to iKurd.net

The U.S. President Donald Trump is touting his national and global role in implementing policies to tackle the corruption in America, reducing wasteful spending, and lead the world by striking the nations that are known for being a threat to the U.S. The reality has shown a different picture from what Trump illustrated.

The U.S.–Iran war is continuing, despite an intermittent ceasefire, but the U.S. has not achieved a significant goal in dismantling the Islamic regime of Iran as it remains a high threat primarily to the region and Israel. However, involving the nations of the Arab peninsula in this war has served Trump’s strategy in battling Iran as it became a regional conflict, which resulted in more outrage against Iran.

At home, the gap is widening between President Trump and the public as his rhetoric, misinformation, and false promises caused more chaos and mistrust among the voters, including his allies. The U.S. operation against Iran is appearing to be on the wrong path as the Islamic regime, regardless of the impact of the war on the country, is still in control.

What the public sees is that President Trump miscalculated the situation in Iran and stepped into a predicament. Or perhaps his ego drove him to implement a critical policy with a wrong strategy to end the threat of Iran. It is without doubt that the Islamic regime of Iran has been ravaging the entire region.

But can the U.S. under the Trump administration end this regime or at least weaken it?

Remembering that the U.S. under George H. W. Bush in the 1990s has created a disaster for Iraq, afterward, weakening the Iraqi regime was overall in the interest of the Iraqis and the Kurds.

In fact, President Trump was pushing for regime change by the Iranian people at the beginning of the war and during the massive protests back in January and February of 2026. “Take over your government,” President Trump told the Iranian people.

But he seemingly realized that such a change is far from possible for now. This is also reminiscent of former President George H. W. Bush during the Gulf war in 1990, as he encouraged the Iraqis to rise up and change the regime.

Initially the U.S. created a disaster in Iraq, but subsequently led to Saddam Hussein’s weakness, and over a decade later, the U.S. accomplished its mission in overthrowing the Baathist regime.

Trump’s administration is in a negotiation process as apparently the strikes and the destruction of the Iranian air force and military facilities did not oust the regime nor has the war ended as Trump said back in March it will take “2 or 3 weeks.”

The Republicans are also frustrated with Trump as some of his strong allies begin questioning his plan. Senator Ted Cruz (R. Texas) posted on X (social media platform): “If the result of all that is to be an Iranian regime — still run by Islamists who chant ‘death to America’ — now receiving billions of dollars, being able to enrich uranium & develop nuclear weapons,… then that outcome would be a disastrous mistake.”

But to view the U.S.–Iran war from a broader perspective, President Trump perhaps deserves acknowledgement for entering a conflict that might seem like a troubled situation for the U.S., but facing Iran was inevitable. And now, it is expected from the U.S. under Trump’s Presidency to step further and complete the mission, which is ending the Iranian regime.

However, the American public does not perceive the Islamic regime of Iran as a serious threat, which regardless of its threat to the neighboring countries, it is a threat to Israel, the U.S. inseparable ally. Also, the wave of the progressive and socialist movement in the Democratic Party has influenced the spread of anti-Semitism in the U.S., which became an obstacle for the establishment members of the Democratic Party as the Israeli supporters to publicly give Trump support in the war against Iran.

Also, realizing that Trump’s second term compared to his first is completely opposite as from “Make America Great” and boosting the American economy to dedicating himself to focus on Iran’s threat and assisting the Israeli military in combating such a threat. This is another point that causes some of Trump’s supporters to step away as they are experiencing voter remorse.

The majority of the Republicans are indeed perceiving the U.S.–Iran war as being a necessary action to end the Iranian regime’s power and threat. But Trump’s ceasefire with Iran became a question that worries his Republican allies. The chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, Sen. Roger Wicker, questioned the advantage of the proposed 60-day ceasefire as he thinks it would be a disaster. “Everything accomplished by Operation Epic Fury would be for naught,” Sen. Wicker (R-Miss) said.

The threat of the Iranian regime is indeed undeniable as the region’s nations have been experiencing the impact of Iranian intervention. However, the Arab nations have been avoiding engaging in a direct conflict with Iran until the U.S. began its operation. Downplaying such a threat did not last long, the U.S. was running out of time in pushing for a diplomatic solution with Iran without a positive result.

The U.S. negotiations with the Iranian leaders in the past have benefited the latter as it used it to its advantage. Obviously, John Bolton, a national security adviser in Trump’s first term, understands the Iranian threat. “If news reports about the impending Iran deal are correct, the ayatollahs will have won a significant victory,” Bolton posted on X.

Bolton further posted, “They will be back on the road to nuclear weapons, supporting global terrorism and repressing their own people.”

Indeed, the leaders of the region’s nations are understanding the threat of the Iranian leaders and their intent in spreading sectarian belief across the region and supporting terrorist groups. However, silence was the best option in avoiding conflict with Iran to prevent a regional crisis. And overall, the Arab nations are aware of Iran’s military capabilities and its proxies and armed groups in the region and it is not as simple as battling such a country.

While President Trump’s popularity is overall declining, his approval by the public in handling Iran is even sinking deeper. According to PBS News, NPR, and a Marist poll, 6 in 10 Americans disapprove of Trump handling the war.

But since U.S. foreign policy is not shaped by public opinion, it is imperative that the U.S. ends the threat of the Islamic regime of Iran by any means.

Serwan Zangana, a contributing writer for iKurd.net, lives in Virginia, U.S. He serves as a correction officer.

The views expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of iKurd.net or its editorial team.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post U.S. Must End Threat From Iran’s Islamic Regime appeared first on iKurd News.

BAGHDAD,— The Iraqi Shiite pro-Iran group Kataib Hezbollah said on Saturday it would continue what it described as “jihadist action” as Iraq’s government confronts pressure from the United States to disarm factions supported by Iran.

After the outbreak of the US-Israeli war on Iran at the end of February, organizations operating under the banner of the “Islamic Resistance in Iraq” launched drone and rocket strikes against US interests in the country.

In response, Washington carried out attacks on bases to those groups, including Kataib Hezbollah. The strikes killed dozens of members.

Since assuming office in mid-May, Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi has stated that weapons should be limited to state control.

In a statement Saturday, Kataib Hezbollah security chief Abu Mujahid al-Assaf said that “jihadist action is today a collective duty” and added that the group would undertake it on behalf of factions that had chosen to stop.

While factions have shown a willingness to operate within state institutions, others, including Kataib Hezbollah, have rejected on disarmament under US pressure.

Assaf indicated that Kataib Hezbollah could work alongside those groups and said it was ready to pay for weapons they no longer required.

He said the organization was prepared “to cooperate and play a constructive role” by overseeing the transfer and storage of weapons and by receiving specialized weapons, including cruise missiles, which he said lacked experts within state agencies.

Kataib Hezbollah maintains that it will not discuss its arsenal while foreign forces remain stationed in Iraq’s Kurdistan region as part of a US-led coalition formed in 2014 to fight jihadists.

The coalition is due to conclude its mission in the Kurdistan region by September.

Earlier this month, a US State Department official called on Iraq to take “concrete actions” regarding pro-Iran armed groups.

The official made support conditional on “expelling militias from any state institution” and ending payments to them.

Separately, Influential Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr orders Saraya al-Salam militias to integrate into Iraqi state.

Sadr announced Wednesday that he was cutting ties between his Sadrist movement and its armed wing, Saraya al-Salam. He said the Shiite militia fighters would be placed under state authority.

The move aligns with broader Iraqi and international efforts to limit weapons to government control.

(With files from AFP | Agencies)

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Scherco R. Baban | Exclusive to iKurd.net

In the complex landscape of Iranian geopolitics, the conversation often centers on the brutality of the current Islamic Republic. However, a deeper, more structural issue persists that threatens the future of peace and freedom even more than the current administration: Persian supremacism.

While the world watches the struggle for social reforms, such as the end of mandatory hijab, the systemic oppression of ethnic minorities remains a blind spot for many within the “democratic opposition.”

The Nature of Supremacism

Supremacism functions as an extension of racism. It is the belief that one ethnic group is inherently superior, making their dominance over others appear “natural” or “inevitable.” This ideology is not merely a social prejudice; it is an institutionalized force.

To maintain this hierarchy, states create institutions designed to:

• Monitor and Control: Tracking the movements and political expressions of marginalized groups.

• Oppress and Incarcerate: Using the legal system as a tool for subjugation.

• Violence: Utilizing torture and lethal force against those who resist the ruling group’s dominance.

For the Kurds and Baloch people in Iran, this is not a theoretical threat—it is a daily reality. The chilling truth is that many segments of the Persian “democratic opposition” have historically remained silent on this systemic racism.

For these groups, a future Iran might be free of the veil, but it could potentially see an even more intensified crackdown on Kurdish autonomy and rights.

The Illusion of Democracy

It is a common misconception that “democracy” is a catch-all solution for the Kurdish question. A country can maintain the outward appearance of a democracy—complete with multi-party systems and regular elections—while still stripping a specific group of their dignity and fundamental rights.

We see this model in neighboring Turkey, where democratic processes coexist with the daily humiliation and disenfranchisement of the Kurdish population. If a new Iranian government adopts this “majoritarian” style of democracy without dismantling supremacist ideologies, the plight of the Kurds and other minorities will remain unchanged.

Geopolitical Shifts and the Kurdish Struggle

In the event of a regime change, a new Iranian government will likely face massive internal crises. To stabilize, it will seek cooperation with neighboring states.

Historically, this has led to “anti-Kurdish” pacts, where regional powers collaborate to suppress Kurdish aspirations for the sake of border security and “territorial unity”.

The role of external players further complicates the path to liberation:

• Saudi Arabia: Currently funds major propaganda outlets like Iran International, which serves Pahlavist interests. Saudi Arabia’s primary goal is regional de-escalation (such as ending Iranian support for the Houthis or Hezbollah), not the promotion of national groups rights within Iran.

• Regional Identity: Countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE have expressed strong support for the “Arab identity” of Iraq, showing little interest in supporting Rojhalat (East Kurdistan).

• The Vulnerability of South Kurdistan: The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq remains largely dependent on a U.S. presence for its survival, highlighting the fragile nature of Kurdish autonomy in a hostile region.

• Internal Eternal Divisions: The current mostly left leaning Kurdish parties and the leadership of those are unable to mature up towards the National goals of the Kurdish Nation instead of Utopian Goals such Democracy for Iran, Coexistence and the infamous Brotherhood of Nations.

Conclusion

A change in leadership in Tehran is not enough. If the underlying framework of Persian supremacism is not dismantled, the “New Iran” will simply be an old system with a different face. For true peace to exist, the opposition must move beyond the removal of the current regime and address the systemic racism that has defined the Iranian state for generations.

Until the right to self-determination and the dignity of the Kurds, Balochs and other nations are central to the democratic platform, the cycle of oppression is destined to repeat.

Scherco R. Baban, an independent researcher and analyst specializing in Kurdish Question and The Middle Eastern security, economical and cultural dynamics.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

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RIYADH,— Saudi fighter jets struck targets tied to Tehran-backed Shi’ite militias in Iraq during the war with Iran, while retaliatory attacks were also launched from Kuwait into Iraq, several sources familiar with the matter told Reuters.

The military actions formed part of a wider campaign across the Gulf that remained out of public view during a conflict that started with U.S. and Israeli attacks on Iran and later spread across the Middle East.

Reuters spoke with three Iraqi military and security officials, one Western official and two people briefed on the developments, including one source in the United States.

The Saudi attacks were carried out by Saudi air force jets against militia positions linked to Iran near Saudi Arabia’s northern border with Iraq, according to the Western official and one person briefed on the matter.

The Western official said some attacks took place around the April 7 ceasefire between the United States and Iran.

The strikes targeted locations used to launch drones and missiles toward Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries, the sources said.

Iraqi sources, citing military assessments, said rocket attacks were launched at least twice from Kuwaiti territory into Iraq.

One series of attacks struck militia positions in southern Iraq in April.

Several fighters were killed and a facility used by the Iran-backed Kataib Hezbollah militia for communications and drone operations was destroyed, the Iraqi sources said.

Reuters could not confirm whether the rockets fired from Kuwait were launched by Kuwaiti forces or the U.S. military.

The U.S. military declined to comment. Kuwait’s information ministry and the Iraqi government did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

A Saudi foreign ministry official said Riyadh favored de-escalation, restraint and reduced tensions to maintain regional security and stability, but did not specifically address the reported attacks inside Iraq.

A spokesperson for Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Reuters reported Tuesday that Saudi Arabia also launched strikes inside Iran during the conflict in response to attacks on the kingdom.

It was the first known case of Riyadh striking Iranian territory. Three people familiar with the matter also said the United Arab Emirates carried out similar attacks inside Iran.

Telegram channels linked to militias published statements during the war claiming responsibility for attacks on targets in Gulf states, including Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.

Continuous attacks from Iraq pushed Saudi Arabia and Kuwait to take a harder position against the militias, which command large numbers of fighters and maintain missile and drone arsenals.

Kuwait summoned Iraq’s representative three times during the conflict to protest attacks crossing the border and the storming of the Kuwaiti consulate in Basra on April 7. Saudi Arabia also summoned Iraq’s ambassador on April 12 to protest attacks.

Relations between Iraq and Gulf Arab states have long been marked by distrust. Tensions worsened in 1990 after Iraqi President Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait and fired Scud missiles toward Saudi Arabia.

The U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 increased concerns among Gulf states by strengthening Shi’ite political groups and armed factions linked to Tehran, turning Iraq into an important part of Iran’s regional network.

Gulf governments have repeatedly accused Baghdad of failing to control armed groups, which operate with broad independence and have carried out attacks across borders.

A diplomatic agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia brokered by China in 2023 raised hopes for regional stability.

The outbreak of war, however, placed pressure on those efforts and drew Gulf countries deeper into a conflict they had tried to avoid.

Two Iraqi security officials and a government security adviser said Saudi Arabia and Kuwait warned Baghdad through diplomatic channels in March to stop rocket and drone attacks carried out by pro-Iranian groups against Gulf states.

Iraqi forces said they intercepted planned attacks, including the seizure of a rocket launcher west of Basra intended to target Saudi energy facilities.

Four Iraqi security sources and one person briefed on the developments said Iran-backed militias continue flying surveillance drones along Iraq’s borders with Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, collecting intelligence for Iran.

“They are gathering information on what has been damaged and what remains operational. They are preparing for another strike soon,” the person briefed on the matter said.

(With files from Reuters)

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WASHINGTON,— The United States imposed sanctions on Iraq’s deputy oil minister and several militia leaders over alleged support for Iran, the Treasury Department said on Thursday.

The Treasury Department accused Deputy Oil Minister Ali Maarij Al Bahadly of using his position to help divert oil that was later sold for the benefit of the Iranian government and allied militias operating in Iraq.

U.S. officials said Maarij worked with an oil smuggler linked to Iran by allowing Iranian oil to be blended with Iraqi oil before shipments reached international markets.

The department said documents were falsified so the blended oil could be presented as Iraqi crude and sold through networks connected to Iran.

Treasury officials also said Maarij approved the transport of oil worth several million dollars each day from Iraq’s Qayyarah oil field for export, helping Iranian-linked operations move supplies through Iraq.

Iraq’s oil ministry rejected the accusations and said it was prepared to cooperate with any fair investigation into the claims.

The ministry added that crude exports, tanker loading, oil marketing and related procedures were not among Maarij’s official duties.

Maarij did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

In March, Iraqi Oil Minister Hayan Abdel Ghani said Iranian tankers detained by U.S. forces in the Gulf had used forged Iraqi documents. Tehran denied using false Iraqi paperwork.

The sanctions were announced as Washington and Tehran moved closer to a temporary agreement aimed at halting the war while leaving major disputes unresolved.

Treasury also imposed sanctions on three senior leaders from the Iran aligned militias Kata’ib Sayyid Al Shuhada and Asa’ib Ahl Al Haq.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said the United States would not allow Iran’s military to use Iraqi oil revenues to finance militant activity against Washington and its partners.

The sanctions freeze U.S. assets and prohibit Americans from business with those targeted entities.

(With files from Reuters)

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WASHINGTON,— The United States is seeking “concrete actions” from Iraq’s incoming prime minister to separate state institutions from pro-Iran Shiite armed groups before Washington restores financial transfers and security assistance, a senior U.S. official said Tuesday.

Iraq’s ruling coalition nominated Ali al-Zaidi as the country’s next prime minister.

He later received a congratulatory phone call from President Donald Trump, who had previously warned that the United States could end all support if former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki returned to office.

A senior State Department official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said Zaidi must address what the official described as a “blurry line” between the Iraqi state and armed groups backed by Iran in the Shiite-majority nation.

The United States halted cash transfers linked to Iraq’s oil revenue, which are managed through the Federal Reserve Bank of New York under an arrangement created after the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq.

Washington also suspended security assistance following a series of attacks targeting American interests in Iraq.

The official said restoring full U.S. support would require Iraq to remove “terrorist militias” from state institutions, stop budget support for those groups and prevent salary payments to militia fighters.

“Those are the type of concrete actions that would give us confidence and say that there’s a new mindset,” the official said.

According to the official, American facilities in Iraq faced more than 600 attacks after Feb. 28, when the United States and Israel launched military operations against Iran.

The attacks largely stopped after a ceasefire between the United States and Iran took effect on April 8, except for Iranian strikes in Iraq’s Kurdistan region, the official said.

“I’m not underestimating the severity of the challenge or what it would take to disentangle these relationships,” the official said, adding that Iraq could begin with a “clear and unambiguous” statement that militias are not part of the state.

The official also said some parts of the Iraqi government continued to provide political, financial and operational support to the armed groups.

Washington increased pressure on Iraq when it appeared Maliki could become prime minister again.

During his earlier time in office, ties with the United States worsened over accusations that he was too close to Iran’s Shiite leadership and encouraged sectarian tensions.

Pro-Iran Shiite armed group attacks in Iraq have targeted the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad, facilities at Baghdad airport and oil fields operated by foreign companies.

(With files from Reuters)

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Manish Rai | iKurd.net

Kata’ib Sayyid al-Shuhada (KSS), an Iraqi militia that receives support from Tehran, has been officially designated as a terrorist organization by the United States.

They are offering a reward of up to $10 million for information regarding its leader, Hashim Finyan Rahim al-Saraji, who is also known as Abu Ala al-Wala’i. KSS is accused of targeting US personnel in Iraq and Syria.

This U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization, formed from Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah, directly collaborates with Iran’s IRGC. The fact that KSS is a part of the Iraqi state security forces and is responsible for the state-funded 14th Brigade of the Population Mobilization Forces (PMF) is farcical.

In response to the escalating regional conflict, the United States has recently conducted a number of direct military attacks against the PMF, a state-sanctioned, Iran-aligned paramilitary umbrella organization.

The PMF, a component of the Iraqi state security apparatus, is responsible for attacks on US interests and allied forces, notably Kurdish Peshmerga forces. On April 17, the United States Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control imposed comprehensive financial sanctions on seven Iraqi PMF commanders.

These commanders were named by the Treasury as prominent figures within several of Iraq’s most violent Iran-aligned organizations, in addition to Kata’ib Hizballah, Harakat al-Nujaba, and Asa’ib Ahl al-Haqq.

Several leaders in the Iraqi Coordination Framework, Iraq’s ruling Shiite bloc, have reportedly received a clear message from the United States. The message expresses strong concern regarding the participation of KSS Secretary General Abu Ala al-Wala’i in a recent meeting to discuss the selection of a new Iraqi prime minister.

Baghdad is under constant pressure from the United States to take decisive action against the PMF. The informed sources indicated that the US has advised Iraqi authorities that it will refrain from engaging with or supporting any new Iraqi government if militia leaders continue to play a central role in shaping its formulation or directing its political decisions.

It’s being widely believed that Washington has suspended security cooperation and the physical transfer of dollars from the country’s energy revenue to Iraq until a government is constituted without militiamen in senior positions.

The US Treasury Department has blocked a cargo plane shipment of $500 million to Iraq. This money is from Iraq’s hydrocarbon revenues, which have been deposited at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York since Saddam Hussein’s overthrow in 2003.

Furthermore, the United States has suspended specific security cooperation initiatives, such as intelligence exchange with the Iraqi military. The Iraqi state is currently attempting to balance the necessity of maintaining its security relationship with the United States with the need to somewhat protect the militia structures that are a part of its own security architecture.

This situation has resulted in Baghdad being in a paradoxical position, as it is both dependent on Washington and at variance with it.

The PMF’s most Iran-aligned factions, which are formally subordinate to Iraq’s prime minister, have consistently disobeyed state directives. This is most clearly demonstrated in their conduct toward the United States. Some prominent factions of the PMF consider confrontation with U.S. forces to be an ideological obligation.

These Iranian backed militias have once again garnered attention as a result of their involvement in the most recent US-Iran conflict. This has reignited a long-standing question in Iraqi politics: what should be done with the PMF? The response has been inconsistent for an extended period, oscillating between containment and elimination.

Believing that the dismantling of the PMF is neither politically practicable nor militarily prudent, successive Iraqi administrations have adopted containment as their default stance. The PMF’s most influential factions are deeply ingrained, receive government salaries, maintain autonomous command structures, and receive support from Tehran.

The resistance of these groups to incorporation and their continued operation as a state within a state were the reasons for the failure of previous attempts to incorporate them into the formal military chain of command, particularly during the tenure of former Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi.

The “Strategic Framework Agreement” that was signed between the US and Iraq in 2008 is at risk of being altered as a result of the current turning point in their relationship between Baghdad and Washington. Baghdad has been unable to protect the U.S. Embassy and other American interests from attacks by PMF factions during the recent U.S.-Iranian war.

Additionally, Washington is not the solitary capital that is dissatisfied with the Iraqi government’s state sponsorship of these Iran-backed militias. Among other international offenses, the PMF has violated Syria’s sovereignty, threatened Jordan, and attacked targets in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.

The Iraqi Republic is increasingly becoming a garrison state, where military loyalty is no longer to the people or the constitution but to foreign-aligned commanders and opaque political agendas. This transformation is the result of the integration of an ideologically driven, Iran-aligned force into the state security sector’s architectural framework.

This is not merely a policy error; it is a historic threat to Iraq’s sovereignty that has the potential to irrevocably erode the state’s already precarious legitimacy, impede reform, and incite future civil unrest. Allow us to presume that this is the revised definition of national unity.

In that scenario, Iraq may soon awaken to the realization that its republic has been replaced by a shadow state that is militarized, sectarian, and subordinate to powers beyond its borders.

Baghdad has the opportunity to formulate a definitive approach to PMF at this moment. These foreign-aligned forces will usurp the Iraqi state, as Hezbollah did with Lebanon, if this is not done.

Manish Rai, a senior long-time contributing writer for iKurd.net, see below.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

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