The Unification of the Peshmerga Forces, A Show!!

Abdulla Mahmoud | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

On September 21, 2026, in the presence of party and government officials!!, a ceremony was held to unify the two Peshmerga forces, Forces 70 and 80, belonging to the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK).

After the ceremony, many party and government officials, as well as party-affiliated media outlets and journalists, presented the unification of the two forces and their renaming as the First and Second Regional Forces as an important and historic achievement.

The armed and security forces in the Region are, on the one hand, one of the main pillars that keep the KDP and PUK in power, and, on the other hand, a major pillar of the division between these two political forces.

Clearly, the armed forces are not limited to Forces 70 and 80. They are only part of a much broader network of armed forces, including Special Forces, Zeravani, Counter-Terrorism, Commandos, security forces, and party- and family-affiliated armed forces, among others. There are even many other forces, such as emergency forces, special brigades, and units protecting officials. In addition, some tribes have their own armed forces.

One of the main and most important pillars protecting the power of the KDP and PUK is their armed forces. Unifying these two armed forces and removing them from party control and influence would mean the loss of one of the main pillars of their power. At the same time, it would mean removing a major obstacle to reducing the division between them.

What is noteworthy in this situation is that the KDP and PUK announced the ceremony to unify part of their forces, Forces 70 and 80, at a time when relations between them are extremely distant and complicated.

For more than two years, they have been unable not only to form even a symbolic and ceremonial government like those of the past or agree on positions and powers, but also to hold joint high-level meetings. Yet, in this situation, they are unifying two large party-affiliated armed forces, Forces 70 and 80!!

The KDP and PUK are responsible for dividing the Region into two separate administrations. They have divided the two areas with something resembling the Berlin Wall and the Great Wall of China. They each have their own administration and authority within their respective zones, while outside those zones neither has any real authority.

At the same time, they have separate security forces, separate police forces, separate counter-terrorism and intelligence agencies, and separate administrative and governing ministries. Even more fundamentally, they are aligned with two different regional powers, Iran and Turkey.

Yet, instead of beginning the process of unification with basic issues, they are putting on a show of unification starting with the most sensitive and fundamental issue, the armed forces.

In a Region where the KDP and PUK have divided power between themselves, job opportunities and employment at every level are still dependent on party connections and support, especially in the armed and security sectors. There is great sensitivity around this issue.

These armed forces are also the KDP’s and PUK’s ready armies in the electoral game. Beyond that, the KDP and PUK have created separate systems not only for sensitive positions but also in other areas such as education, health, sports, and culture, extending even to the judiciary and courts. They have created such a divided system that every ordinary person can understand and see it.

At the most basic level, the logical thing would have been for the KDP and PUK, before putting on a show of unifying their party-affiliated armed and Peshmerga forces, to first work toward unifying ordinary government positions and ministries, and to see and treat the citizens of the Region outside the boundaries of party affiliation.

Then they could think about other security and military matters. The fact that the KDP and PUK have been forced to start with such a sensitive issue, one directly connected to protecting their power and influence, is not a sign of strong ability or determination to overcome a major political problem in society. Rather, it is a political and legal show that has already lost before it began.

If the KDP and PUK cannot unify sports, education, culture, law, the courts, security, and the police, how can they unify their party-affiliated armed forces?

If the KDP and PUK cannot remove the organizational structures of their Peshmerga forces at the centers and branches, how can they claim that they are unifying the Peshmerga forces from the top?

If the KDP and PUK cannot employ an ordinary civil servant without party connections or affiliation, how can they claim that their armed and security forces are politically neutral?

If the KDP and PUK cannot remove all the checkpoints between their cities, and cannot remove the Digala boundary as a symbol of dividing the Region into two zones, how can they give up their party-affiliated armed forces, which are the source of their power and protection?

What happened and was presented to the public was an empty and obvious play. The campaign to bring Iraq’s armed forces under one umbrella and organize them within the framework of the army and the authority of the central government was the source of this show and performance.

The campaign to return weapons under the control of the army and the state was the source of this step by the KDP and PUK, so that they could present the Peshmerga as a unified, legal, non-party force.

In this way, they seek constitutional support for its continued existence as a border protection force and, in future disputes over the issue of weapons, to gain domestic support, public support, and official international support, especially from the United States and the West.

What is clear in all of this is that no independent, free, and informed person, whether in Kurdistan, Iraq, or the region, sees this step by the KDP and PUK, the unification of party-affiliated armed and Peshmerga forces, as a step toward establishing a unified national army.

Ending party-affiliated armed forces, removing the Digala boundary [A border between areas controlled by the PUK and KDP], normalizing Kurdistan’s political situation and turning it into one zone, removing party barriers to employment and job opportunities, unifying administrative and regular ministries, unifying the judicial authority and ending its division along party lines, and ensuring the independence of the courts would all be steps that could create the basis for integrating the armed forces and taking weapons out of the hands of the parties.

But what actually prevents the Kurdistan Region from being treated as one zone, the establishment of unified and nationwide institutions and authority, citizens from being treated without regard to their party identity, and the judiciary and courts from becoming independent is the KDP’s and PUK’s own power.

The power of the KDP and PUK, and this form of party-based, family-based, and armed rule, can neither be reformed nor fundamentally changed through ordinary legal and political means.

The precondition for any progressive or revolutionary change, any fundamental transformation of the system of power, and the return of political will to the people is the end of the party-based, family-based, and armed rule of the KDP and PUK.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on October 4, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post Peshmerga Unification, A Show That Fools No One appeared first on iKurd News.

BAGHDAD,— U.S. troops concluded their mission in Iraq on Wednesday, withdrawing from their final military bases in a nation where more than 4,500 American service members died over two decades of conflict.

Iran and its allies are calling the exit a triumph.

Iraqi security analysts say the pullout, agreed upon in 2024 under President Joe Biden and executed by Donald Trump’s administration even while Washington wages war against Iran, could hand Tehran and its allied militias greater freedom of action.

Analysts also warn the move may open the door for other U.S. adversaries, including Islamic State, to regain strength.

Jasim al-Bahadli, an Iraqi security analyst who studies Iran-aligned Shi’ite armed groups, said Iran is positioned to gain strategically because the coalition’s exit removes a military presence that had long balanced Tehran’s sway in Iraq.

He said pro-Iranian militias will likely present the withdrawal as their own victory and attempt to convert that momentum into stronger influence over Iraq’s security and political decisions.

Abu Mojtaba al-Yasiri, a commander with the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, a coalition of Iran-backed armed factions, called the U.S. departure a historic win for Iraqi resistance groups and a major defeat for what he described as the American project.

He told Reuters that September 30 will mark the end of a dark chapter and proof that Iraq’s sovereignty depends on resistance and the will of its people, not foreign troops.

Although the withdrawal is widely supported among Iraqis, some worry it is happening too soon.

Abdulrahman al-Zobaie, a Sunni tribal leader in Fallujah, once a center of anti-American resistance, told Reuters that Iraq is not yet fully prepared to manage its own security.

He said all Iraqis want full sovereignty, but fear the coalition’s exit could leave a dangerous security vacuum.

U.S. troops first entered Iraq in 2003 to remove dictator Saddam Hussein, then occupied the country, backed a new Shi’ite-led government and battled an insurgency for years before leaving in 2011.

They returned less than three years later to help Iraqi forces fight Islamic State during a war that lasted from 2014 to 2017.

Roughly twice as many American troops died during the Iraq war as in the simultaneous conflict in Afghanistan, which ended with a rapid U.S. withdrawal in 2021.

In recent years, Iraq has remained the only nation with close political and military ties to both Washington and Tehran, and its territory has sometimes served as a battleground for the rivals.

The U.S. killed senior Iranian commander Qasem Soleimani in a 2020 strike near Baghdad’s airport. Iranian-backed forces have repeatedly attacked American bases, at times triggering retaliation.

During this year’s conflict with Iran, seven of the 18 American troops killed were stationed in Iraq. The most recent death was an Army sergeant who died in July during a controlled drone detonation near Erbil.

Iran, which says its goal is to push American forces out of the entire Middle East, describes the Iraq withdrawal as a victory for its network of allied armed groups across the region.

Amir Hayat Moqaddam, deputy chairman of the National Security Commission in Iran’s parliament, said Monday that lasting security will come to Iraq once American troops leave the country and the broader region.

He told Iran’s parliamentary news agency that Tehran supports the withdrawal and that resistance groups continue to confront American forces.

Washington has accused Iran-backed militias in Iraq of contributing to regional conflict by striking neighboring countries under Tehran’s direction, including a recent attack on a major Saudi oil pipeline.

Baghdad’s government says it is working to limit the militias’ influence.

Some Iraqi officials, including those in the semi-autonomous Kurdish region, warn the withdrawal could also revive Islamic State, which once controlled a third of Iraq and killed thousands, including captives filmed being executed at a former U.S. base.

Kurdish commander Sirwan Barzani said the loss of American intelligence, logistics and drone support could allow the group to regroup.

He said Islamic State sleeper cells have shown increased activity in recent weeks, boosting fighter morale after the withdrawal was announced.

While others, like Kurdish politician Adham Barzani, viewed the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq and the Kurdistan Region as the close of what he called an occupation, an outcome he said should be celebrated.

Iraqi security officials said a suspected Islamic State cell was planning suicide attacks timed to the pullout.

Four officials said the plot shows the group still poses a threat despite years of losses. Col. Khalid al-Bayati, a senior security official in Kirkuk, said Islamic State wants to prove it remains capable of deadly attacks.

(With files from Reuters)

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post US forces complete withdrawal from Iraq after 20 years appeared first on iKurd News.

NEW YORK,— Turkey and Iraq said Wednesday they had reached a deal for Turkish troops to gradually hand over a military base in Bashiqa, in northern Iraq, to Iraqi government control.

The announcement followed talks in New York, where the two countries also agreed to end the presence of what they called “outlawed armed elements” in northern Iraq.

The agreement came after Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi and Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan met on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly. In a joint statement, the two sides said they would strengthen security cooperation.

The statement said the leaders agreed to fully restore state authority in Sinjar and to remove outlawed foreign armed groups from the area, a reference to Kurdish militants who operate in that mountainous region.

Turkey is currently pursuing a peace process aimed at disarming fighters from the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, to end a conflict that has lasted for decades.

Under the deal, Turkish forces will withdraw from the Bashiqa-Zelikan base near Mosul in stages, following an agreed timeline and security steps taken by Iraq.

An Iraqi military commander familiar with the discussions said the pullout from Bashiqa and a nearby smaller base is expected to finish by the end of this year. Turkey has not confirmed that timeline.

Turkish troops first arrived near Mosul in 2015. Ankara said the deployment was meant to train and protect Iraqi forces, along with Sunni Arab, Turkmen and Kurdish fighters battling the Islamic State group, which had taken over Mosul in 2014.

The move angered Baghdad, which called for the troops to leave, while Turkey insisted it was backing the fight against the militants. Turkey continues to operate other bases in the region, which it says protect its national security.

Tom Barrack, the U.S. ambassador to Turkey and special envoy for Syria and Iraq, praised the agreement, saying it served both Iraqi sovereignty and Turkish security interests.

The joint statement also noted that the two leaders discussed trade and broader ties, calling for faster action on existing agreements and ongoing strategic projects.

The statement made no mention of Turkish troops withdrawing from Iraqi Kurdistan (Bashur Kurdistan), where Turkey maintains more than 100 military bases and thousands of troops, according to reports.

Political analyst Henase Karim told iKurd.net News that, “Based on history, Turkey has never withdrawn from any territory it has occupied and will not withdraw from Iraqi Kurdistan, Syrian Kurdistan, Northern Cyprus, Libya, or other occupied areas.”

Some observers say these territorial disputes with Turkey will only be resolved through military force.

(With files from Reuters)

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post Turkey to hand over military base in northern Iraq to Baghdad under new deal appeared first on iKurd News.

Peshmerga unification completed, whom are you trying to fool?

Sara Hussein | Exclusive to iKurd.net

Kurdish leaders made an announcement on September 21, 2026, declaring the complete unification of Iraqi Kurdistan Region’s Peshmerga forces under the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs.

However, observers question whether this announcement represents real change or political theater designed to please international partners before critical funding decisions.

Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani led the ceremony claiming the end of partisan control after 35 years. Peshmerga Minister Shorash Ismail called the move historic, announcing that the process merged the KDP’s Unit 80 and the PUK’s Unit 70, which had operated independently for decades. These two units combined numbered over 100,000 troops, according to officials.

The timeline supports skepticism about the unification’s substance. Nechirvan Barzani signed a decree in February establishing Regional Command 1 and Regional Command 2 to oversee the reorganization into 10 divisions.

Caretaker Prime Minister Masrour Barzani then issued an executive order to provide these commands legal authority and budget control. The September announcement came mere weeks after these earlier moves, making the timing appear coordinated for public relations rather than operational necessity.

Financial pressures likely drove the announcement. In 2025, the United States provided approximately 61 million dollars in direct support to the Peshmerga for weapons, training, and salaries. However, the proposed U.S. budget for fiscal year 2027 shows a dramatic shift.

U.S. officials allocated roughly $118.9 million for Iraqi security forces, the defense ministry, and counter-terrorism units, but included zero dollars in direct Peshmerga funding. More significantly, the budget proposal offered no suggestion that the U.S. memorandum of understanding supporting Peshmerga reform would continue past its current expiration date.

The core problem remains unchanged despite official claims. The Kurdistan Region continues to operate as a divided political space between the KDP and the PUK. The Barzani family, led by tribal leader Massoud Barzani, controls Erbil and Duhok governorates. The Talabani family, leading the PUK, maintains authority over Sulaimani. This geographic and political division prevents any genuine unified governance structure from emerging.

The stated objective of unification centers on payroll integration, which American officials demanded as a reform condition. All Peshmerga personnel supposedly now fall under a single Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs payroll system.

Yet serious questions persist about whether this change is authentic or merely appears unified on paper. Credible observers suspect the system continues operating on separate tracks for KDP and PUK forces, with different funding sources maintaining parallel payment mechanisms.

The deeper institutional reality contradicts unity claims. Both the KDP and the PUK maintain independent security apparatus structures. The federal Iraq constitution permits internal security forces, but the two main parties separately control additional Peshmerga militia units.

Each party operates distinct police forces nominally supervised by the Kurdish Ministry of Interior, but actual command remains with party leadership. The KDP and PUK each maintain their own Asayish security branches. Intelligence services similarly remain separate for each party.

The Barzani clan faces particular criticism for claiming unification success while lacking capacity to form a government with the PUK and other parties. The announcement rings hollow when political cooperation remains impossible on basic governance matters. This suggests the Peshmerga unification serves propaganda purposes rather than addressing structural problems.

Current facts demonstrate that both the KDP and PUK will maintain their own armed forces in territories where each party exercises control. The ministry reorganization changes nomenclature and possibly accounting procedures, but operational reality persists unchanged.

Commanders in KDP areas take orders from KDP leadership. Peshmerga units in PUK zones respond to PUK hierarchy. No structural mechanism forces genuine unity when two rival political organizations control armed forces serving partisan interests.

The announcement occurred precisely as American funding commitment declined and diplomatic support shifted toward broader Iraqi institutions rather than Kurdish-specific programs. This timing suggests the declaration targets U.S. officials rather than representing authentic military reform. Without continued external pressure and financial incentives, the previous arrangement of partisan Peshmerga forces will almost certainly resurface.

The unification claim ranks as nominal adjustment rather than meaningful transformation of Kurdish security structures.

I don’t know whom you are trying to fool, but the U.S., the West, and the Kurdish nation are smart enough not to believe these kinds of cosmetics and lies. The people see through this performance. The KDP and the Barzanis cannot hide the truth behind ceremonies and announcements.

Real unity requires real power sharing and real change in how these parties operate. Until that happens, this unification remains nothing but words.

Sara Hussein, a Kurdish writer living abroad, she focuses on politics, culture, and religion. She is a contributing writer for iKurd.net.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post Peshmerga Unification Completed, a Farce appeared first on iKurd News.

Dr. Sherko Hama-Amin | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

On the Occasion of the So-Called Unification of the Peshmerga Forces

How Can the Peshmerga Forces Be Freed from the Control of the KDP and PUK?

How Can a National, Non-Party Military Force Be Established?

In 2013 and the years that followed, when Goran participated in the eighth cabinet and Massoud Barzani was President of Iraq’s Kurdistan Region and Commander-in-Chief of the Region’s armed forces, Mr. Nawshirwan, may he rest in peace, submitted two proposals and roadmaps to the President of the Region concerning the protection of the areas covered by Article 140. We will discuss this on another occasion, along with the unification of the Peshmerga forces and the establishment of a national army, as follows:

1. The President of the Region should issue an order preventing Units 70 and 80 from recruiting new Peshmerga members.

2. Older commanders and officers should be retired.

3. Officers who have graduated from military colleges or similar institutions should remain.

4. Every year, around 28,000 students graduate from universities and institutes. Military service should be opened to them, and they should be recruited without regard to their political party affiliation. They should receive six months of military training and education.

5. After the six-month period, those who remain should enter military service and join the Peshmerga forces and the Kurdistan Army. In this way, a national, non-party army would be established over the course of several years. It would become the Kurdistan Army and be freed from the control of political parties.

This is the correct approach. They did not do it then, and they have not done it now, not through the mere unification of regional commands or a superficial show of unity.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on September 21, 2026.

The views expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of iKurd.net or its editorial team.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved

Peshmerga Unification Completed, a Farce

The post How to Build a Unified Peshmerga Loyal to Kurdistan, Not Parties appeared first on iKurd News.

SULAIMANI,— The head of the New Generation Movement (NGM) (Cûłanewey Newey Nwê) says the Kurdistan Regional Government’s claims of merging Peshmerga forces are far from the truth.

In a statement issued Monday, Shaswar Abdulwahid said the process amounts to little more than a name change, with no genuine merger of forces under one national command.

He said Peshmerga units in Sulaimani still answer to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, while forces in Erbil and Duhok remain under the command of the Barzani’s Kurdistan Democratic Party.

Abdulwahid noted that the 80 Forces were simply renamed “Region One,” and the 70 Forces became “Region Two,” adding that a name change does not create a unified force.

True unification, he said, requires one national command structure and a single chain of command, with loyalty directed to the state rather than to political parties.

He described the current Peshmerga setup as a collection of partisan, personal and militia-based forces rather than a single national army.

His comments follow an announcement by Kurdish officials on September 21, 2026, stating that Peshmerga forces across the Kurdistan Region had been fully unified under the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs.

(With files from Agencies)

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post Shaswar Abdulwahid: Peshmerga unification “far from the truth” appeared first on iKurd News.

US plans to end military support for peshmerga militias, BBC report.

ERBIL,—The Trump administration is preparing to end military aid to Iraq’s Kurdistan region, a longtime American partner in the fight against the Islamic State group that is now under heavy attack from Iran, four sources familiar with the matter told the BBC.

The Pentagon has informed leaders in Iraq’s Kurdish region during recent meetings that it does not plan to renew an expiring agreement covering security assistance to the Peshmerga, the Kurdish security militia force.

The Peshmerga are not a single unified forces. They operate as separate militias loyal to Iraqi Kurdistan’s ruling parties, the KDP, led by Massoud Barzani, and the PUK, led by the Talabani family.

Two officials who took part in the talks, along with two other people with direct knowledge of the matter, spoke to the BBC on condition of anonymity because the details had not been made public before.

Kurdish officials worry that losing the funding would leave a power vacuum and give Iran more room to act. Iran has launched hundreds of missiles and drones at Iraqi Kurdistan since President Donald Trump began the war with Tehran.

Analysts said cutting the Peshmerga’s security aid would hurt a longstanding U.S. partner in Iraq and signal that Washington cannot be relied on to stand by its allies in the region.

Yerevan Saeed, director of the Global Kurdish Initiative for Peace at American University, said the move would amount to abandoning a group that sacrificed heavily to help the United States meet its goals in Iraq and the broader Middle East.

He added that it would be a major win for Iran, China and Russia if the Kurds were left exposed.

Trump has said during his second term that he wants to scale back American involvement in the Middle East. At the same time, he launched the war against Iran, which passed the six-month mark Friday with no resolution in sight.

The agreement between the Pentagon and the Kurdistan Regional Government is due to expire September 30, the same day the United States and other nations plan to pull their last troops from Iraq.

That withdrawal will officially close out the international campaign against the Islamic State group, a fight in which the Peshmerga worked alongside coalition forces to push the group out of parts of Iraq and Syria.

The only remaining U.S. base in the country, in the Kurdish capital of Erbil, is expected to shut down next month once coalition troops leave.

The Peshmerga, which has roughly 180,000 fighters in Iraqi Kurdistan, received $61 million in fiscal year 2026 for weapons, training and stipends through the Pentagon’s counter-Islamic State program.

The Pentagon had proposed eliminating all of that aid in its fiscal year 2027 budget, arguing the money should be redirected now that the group has been defeated. That spending plan remains stalled amid a wider budget dispute in Congress.

The proposal worried officials in Iraqi Kurdistan, though many held out hope that Washington would extend the existing deal instead.

Those worries have deepened as Iran has ramped up strikes on the region. Iran and Iranian-backed militias carried out 158 missile or drone attacks in Iraqi Kurdistan by late May, according to data compiled by the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a Washington think tank.

Even with the rise in attacks, defense officials told Iraqi and Kurdish leaders in recent talks that the United States does not intend to extend the agreement, multiple sources said. The Pentagon first signed the deal in 2016 and renewed it in 2022.

One source familiar with Pentagon thinking said a final decision on future security cooperation with Kurdistan is still under review, and that officials are exploring ways to keep some level of security support in Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan after troops leave.

The Kurdistan Regional Government declined to comment. The White House directed questions to the Pentagon, which pointed to a July statement summarizing a meeting between Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi.

The statement said the United States, Iraq and coalition partners had succeeded in defeating the Islamic State group and that Iraqi forces, including the Peshmerga and other Kurdish security units, would now lead the fight against terrorism in Iraq.

A State Department spokesperson said the agency is focused on carrying out the troop withdrawal and on helping al-Zaidi disarm Iran-aligned militias while protecting Iraqi sovereignty.

The potential end of Peshmerga aid comes less than a year after the U.S. opened its largest consulate anywhere in the world, in Erbil.

At the December ribbon-cutting for the $800 million complex, senior State Department official Michael Rigas called it proof of the value of ties between the United States and Iraqi Kurdistan.

The talks on Kurdish security were part of broader discussions between Washington, Baghdad and the KRG over the coming troop pullout, set under a 2024 agreement.

U.S. combat troops left Iraq in 2011 but returned after the resulting power vacuum helped fuel the rise of the Islamic State group in 2014.

The KDP and PUK each run independent security operations. Under Iraq’s constitution, the Kurdistan Regional Government can maintain internal security forces, but the two parties separately control their own Peshmerga units, police forces and Asayish internal security services, along with separate intelligence agencies.

James Jeffrey, who led the global coalition against the Islamic State group during Trump’s first term, said continuing to support the Peshmerga would help the U.S. avoid repeating past mistakes, calling it money well spent given what happened when the group swept into northern Iraq.

The administration has not disclosed how many U.S. troops remain in Iraq from the original counter-Islamic State mission. Experts estimate the number is under 1,000, down from 170,000 at the height of the Iraq War.

Recent meetings on Iraqi security involved the White House and the Defense and State Departments, with Tom Barrack, U.S. ambassador to Turkey and special envoy to Iraq and Syria, serving as the lead voice on Iraq policy, according to four sources.

The administration has said it remains open to a bilateral security agreement with Iraq, and officials discussed a possible defense pact in recent talks, though its structure and Iraqi Kurdistan’s role remain unclear.

Al-Zaidi, elected in May, promoted the troop withdrawal during a visit to Washington last month, meeting with Trump, Hegseth and members of Congress. His office said October 1 would mark a new chapter for Iraq, free of foreign military presence.

Analysts said the withdrawal would reduce U.S. troops’ exposure to Iranian attacks in the region, including strikes on the Erbil base.

But Jason Campbell, a former defense official now with the Middle East Institute, said it would leave the Peshmerga and the areas they protect more vulnerable, calling the Kurds potentially the most exposed targets of Iran if the U.S. proceeds with the funding cutoff.

Iraqi Kurdistan is widely viewed as the most corruption-plagued region in Iraq. Watchdog groups, Kurdish lawmakers, and leaked records point to billions of dollars unaccounted for in oil revenue.

The Barzani family, which governs Iraqi Kurdistan and is often labeled the region’s “Kurdish oligarchs,” has repeatedly faced accusations from critics and observers of favoring relatives and building enormous personal wealth through the oil sector rather than investing in public welfare.

Analysts say Massoud Barzani continues to hold the greatest influence in the region, operating largely behind the scenes. His son, Masrour Barzani, serves as prime minister of the Kurdistan region, while his nephew, Nechirvan Barzani, holds the presidency.

(With files from BBC | Agencies)

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post US plans funding cutoff for Kurdish peshmerga militias: BBC appeared first on iKurd News.

ERBIL,— Explosive drones hit the office of Iraq’s Kurdistan Regional Government caretaker prime minister Masrour Barzani on Monday, the KRG security agency said, with no injuries reported.

The Directorate General of Counter Terrorism, operating under the Kurdistan Region Security Council, said two Hadid-110 drones crossed from Iranian territory and struck two sites: the prime minister’s private office headquarters and the residence of the Security Council’s director, both in Erbil province’s Pirmam district.

The CTD said the strikes caused no casualties.

The drones were likely intercepted and shot down by U.S. forces before they could reach their targets. The CTD released no footage of the target that was hit.

Since war broke out between the United States, Israel and Iran in February 2026, Iraqi Kurdistan has been hit by hundreds of Iranian drones.

According to some analysts, following the fake Axios report on Sunday claiming that U.S. had turned to Nechirvan Barzani as a diplomatic intermediary with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

Analysts say that Masrour Barzani wanted to be in the international spotlight and was behind the publication of this story, despite the daily drone attacks targeting areas where the Barzani family is based.

Massoud Barzani, tribal leader, head of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, and father of Masrour Barzani, reportedly moves his sleeping location every night, fearing assassination.

Many younger members of the Barzani family reportedly have left Iraqi Kurdistan, relocating to Europe and the United States.

According to iKurd’s political analyst Henase Karim, no one from the Barzani family has ever been killed throughout conflicts with the previous regime or any other conflicts in the region because they were among the first to flee and hide.

Karim told iKurd News that if Iran truly wanted to kill any Iraqi Kurdish leaders, it would have the capability to do so very easily.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post Iranian drones attack Masrour Barzani’s office in Iraqi Kurdistan appeared first on iKurd News.

SULAIMANI, Iraqi Kurdistan region,— At least eight fighters from the Kurdish opposition group Komala Toilers of Iranian Kurdistan (Komełey Şorrişgêrrî Zehmetkêşanî Kurdistanî Êran) were killed and several more wounded after Iran fired six missiles at the group’s base in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region on Friday, the group’s Central Committee said.

A Central Committee member said the missiles struck Zirgwêz, a border area in Sulaimani province in Iraqi Kurdistan, early Friday morning. The strike killed at least eight Peshmerga fighters and injured a number of others.

Additional Peshmerga members from Iranian Kurdistan were also hurt in the attack, based on information gathered so far.

The Central Committee member told Voice of America that crews had not yet been able to fully recover the bodies from inside caves at the site because of the strike’s damage.

Separately, several drones were shot down over Erbil in the early hours of Friday. No injuries were reported from that incident.

Komala has fought against the Iranian government for decades. The group took part in the 1979 Kurdish uprising and later in the Iran-Iraq War.

Since the Islamic Republic was founded in 1979, it has enforced rules that Kurdish groups say discriminate against Kurds in Iranian Kurdistan across social, political and economic life.

Kurds in Iran say they face restrictions on religious, economic and cultural rights.

Parents are barred from giving children certain Kurdish names, and religious minorities with Kurdish populations face measures meant to isolate and stigmatize them, according to Kurdish rights groups.

Kurds also report barriers to jobs, housing and political participation, which have left many in long-term poverty.

More than 12 million Kurds are estimated to live in Iranian Kurdistan (Eastern Kurdistan, Rojhelat Kurdistan).

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post Komala base hit by Iranian missiles, 8 Kurdish fighters killed appeared first on iKurd News.

BERLIN,— Germany plans to pull its remaining troops out of Erbil, the capital of Iraq’s Kurdistan Region, by the end of September, as part of a wider pullback from the Middle East linked to the Iran war, the news outlet Spiegel reported Friday.

The German military will also shut down a field camp near the Erbil airport, Spiegel said, citing a briefing given to a parliamentary defense committee.

About 30 German soldiers are currently based at that camp, the report said.

The move follows a decision by the United States to pull out a protection force in Iraq as part of its own troop reduction plans, Spiegel noted.

Germany has already cut back sharply on its Middle East presence because of security concerns tied to the war involving Iran.

A spokesperson for Germany’s defense ministry confirmed that a briefing had taken place and said Berlin intends to reduce troop numbers there gradually over time. The spokesperson did not share specific figures or a timeline.

“We are only scaling back our presence. Key support work, including help for Peshmerga forces, will continue. A group of military advisers will stay on at the embassy,” the spokesperson said.

German forces have operated in Erbil for years, forming part of Berlin’s role in the international coalition fighting the Islamic State group. Their work has included training and advising Kurdish Peshmerga fighters.

Asked whether the US withdrawal plan influenced Germany’s decision, the spokesperson said the choice was made jointly with allies.

“This isn’t about one partner alone. It reflects coordination among all of them,” the spokesperson said at a news briefing.

Since 2014, Germany has given more than $3.4 billion in security and humanitarian assistance to Iraq and the Kurdistan Region. At its peak, Berlin had around 500 troops spread across Erbil and Baghdad.

In March, Germany began withdrawing forces from the Middle East after fighting broke out between the United States, Israel and Iran in late February, cutting its Erbil deployment down to roughly 30 troops.

In 2016, Kurdistan’s regional government faced accusations of allowing German-supplied weapons to end up in illegal black market sales.

Germany urged Iraq’s Kurdish regional authorities to make sure that Berlin’s arms shipments were used exclusively by Peshmerga militia fighters battling the Islamic State group.

German public broadcasters WDR and NDR had earlier reported spotting German military equipment, including G3 assault rifles and several types of pistols, being sold on Iraqi Kurdistan’s black markets.

(With files from Reuters | Agencies)

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post Germany withdraws forces from Iraqi Kurdistan Region appeared first on iKurd News.