Islamic Shame Gangs Declare War on Kurdish Women Without Hijab

Dlêr Mohammed Nuri | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

Fear of the Headscarf or the Hijab?!

If you gathered all religious speeches from every pulpit, platform, media outlet, social media platform, page, and account, it would not be an exaggeration to say that women’s clothing, hair, voices, appearance, and world take up the lion’s share of these speeches.

Of the speeches that discuss women, only a small number offer advice; the lion’s share consists of mockery, insults, humiliation, threats, and public shaming of women and girls.

Which women? Certainly, those girls, sisters, mothers, and women who do not cover their heads, do not wear the hijab, and do not wear clothing that fully covers their bodies.

Listen carefully and keep count. Find out how many insults and degrading comments are directed at people every day by Salafists, ISIS and its imitators, and mullahs and fashionable preachers on pulpits, platforms, and social media. In addition to insulting women, they also deeply insult their fathers, brothers, and husbands.

The purpose of these organized attacks is simple: to corner women who do not wear the hijab, along with the men close to them, and pressure them until they give in to efforts to make society wear the hijab. This kind of social and psychological pressure is no different from forcing people to act against their will.

The forced hijab imposed in Iran, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, and elsewhere, whether through morality police or under any other name, has far less influence than psychological pressure or forcing people through shame, social pressure, and making others feel hated and rejected.

Today, in this region, where laws and constitutional rules are in complete disarray and there is no real authority, I do not know of any official or person in power who has as much influence or standing as an aging preacher of unknown credentials or a mullah who graduated only yesterday from some poorly regarded Islamic institute. These people have become the holders of absolute social power, and neither the law nor the authorities dare to stand in their way.

Go ahead and take four teachers, four doctors, four engineers, and four students today, and bring them before a court over a comment or criticism of religion or a religious figure.

The media would pay little attention, and the public would barely notice. But let a young man dare to stand up to Mazhar, Halo, Karwan, or others like them, and you will see how they can turn his life into a living hell.

Today, in this country, people who carry prayer beads, wear turbans, grow beards, wear headscarves, and don niqabs can impose their own religious laws, while those who hold the scales of justice cannot enforce their own civil laws.

Who among you can post a comment criticizing a mullah, a religious figure, a Salafist, or even a filthy ISIS member, or raise a logical objection or question about a religious law or a rule of Sharia, without them dragging your wife, sister, or mother into it to silence you? But go ahead and freely shame women and girls who do not wear the hijab by attacking their clothes, bodies, and hair. Quite a few people will praise you and cheer you on, shouting, “Well done!” and “Bravo!”

Every day, we hear from women we know who do not wear the hijab about the questions and pressure they face in their neighborhoods, at the market, and at work. People ask them why they do not cover themselves from head to toe. As a result of this kind of psychological coercion, dozens of women give in to these demands every day.

Some women have started wearing the full covering simply to improve their chances of getting married because society has confused morality with clothing. We are close to redefining a good woman as someone who wears the full covering and a good young man as someone who has a beard and never misses his prayers.

Regarding the incident involving Omar Sheikh Mous and the female journalist who wears the full covering and headscarf, I disagreed with Mr. Omar’s approach. However, we should not forget the other side of the picture.

The respected woman, who invokes freedom of dress to object to Mr. Omar’s criticism, should ask herself: Who will stop the insults, abusive language, name-calling, and public shaming that take place every day on the pulpits, platforms, and social media pages run by mullahs, preachers, members of the Muslim Brotherhood, Salafists, and others?

If wearing the full covering and headscarf is a matter of personal freedom, and no one should insult or harass a woman for wearing them, shouldn’t the same principle apply in the opposite case? My challenge to the female journalist is to prepare an investigative report covering all the issues raised in this article.

Let her find out who, in today’s chaotic and lawless society, actually faces physical oppression, psychological abuse, and the judgmental scrutiny of society: you, the woman who wears the full covering and headscarf, or those who do not wear the full covering and have not placed a “golden crown!!” on their heads?

Even today, the majority of women in Kurdistan do not wear the full covering or cover their heads. Yet, under the protection of turbans, beards, robes, and imported headscarves, the female journalist’s position still carries more weight than Omar Sheikh Mous’s.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on August 21, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

Political Islam among the Kurds: The fifth column

The post Islam’s War on Kurdish Women’s Freedom and Dignity appeared first on iKurd News.

SULAIMANI,— A woman died in Sulaimani city on Tuesday afternoon, a day after her father shot her three times, police said.

The victim, Kijan Burhan, was 30 years old and was born in 1996. She died from her wounds after being shot the previous night. Her father was arrested at the scene shortly after the shooting.

Ari Latif, spokesperson for the Sulaimani Police Directorate, said officers went to the scene right away and arrested the suspect.

He said the shooting was the result of what he called a “social dispute”.

Police have opened a case file and are continuing to investigate the circumstances surrounding the shooting.

Police often use the term “family dispute, social dispute” in such cases. This term is commonly linked to incidents of domestic violence or so-called honor-based crimes.

After news of the killing spread, several anonymous social media pages claimed that two female media workers in Sulaimani were linked to the case. No proof was given to back up these claims.

In response, the Sulaimani branch of the Kurdistan Journalists Syndicate and the Women’s Media and Cultural Organization released a joint statement condemning both the killing and the unproven claims online.

The statement said some media outlets and anonymous pages acted irresponsibly by ignoring legal procedure and speaking out before any official decision was made.

It said this amounts to defaming female media workers and harming the reputation of Sulaimani.

The two groups said that courts and judicial bodies are the only ones with the right to decide such cases, not unverified online pages, which they said are trying to disrupt the legal process.

Pointing to the rule that a suspect is innocent until a court gives its final ruling, the groups said they stand by the accused journalists and promised to hold accountable those spreading false claims.

The statement ended with a call to shut down the anonymous pages, saying that as long as the police investigation is open, any accusations made through these pages have no legal basis.

Honor killings, domestic abuse, and other forms of violence against women remain common in the Kurdistan Region. Many of these cases are tied to what is often called a “social disputes,” a term used to describe conflicts that turn violent.

Women’s rights activists say that despite repeated promises from the Kurdistan Regional Government to tackle the problem, weak law enforcement, little support for survivors, and long-standing cultural attitudes continue to let such violence happen.

Activists are calling for stronger laws, harsher punishment for offenders, and more resources for victims to help bring down the number of gender-based violence cases. They warn that without real action, the situation is unlikely to get better.

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SULAIMANI,—Dr. Abdul Latif Ahmed, also known as Abdullatif Salafi, has fled Iraqi Kurdistan and traveled to Turkey before heading to the United Kingdom, local media reported Tuesday.

Salafi leads the Islamist Salafi Movement and had worked as a lecturer at the University of Sulaimani until he was removed from his post following accusations of sexual harassment from 10 female students.

Reports said Salafi flew out of Kurdistan through Kirkuk International Airport early Tuesday.

People close to him told a Kurdish television station that he landed in Istanbul and planned to fly onward from Istanbul’s Sabiha Gokcen Airport to Britain.

There, reportedly he intends to file a formal complaint over audio recordings that were leaked and attributed to him.

On Sunday, before fleeing, Salafi issued a statement saying he would pause his public activities for an unspecified period. He said the break would be temporary and that he expected to regain his legal and religious standing through the courts.

The Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research in the Kurdistan Region permanently dismissed Salafi from his teaching post on July 1. The decision followed the findings of a university investigative committee that examined the harassment allegations.

Eleven people, described as complainants in the case, appeared before a judge at the Sulaimani Court on Tuesday to give testimony, an informed source said. Some described experiences of sexual harassment they said involved Salafi, while others offered testimony connected to those claims.

The source said the same individuals had earlier given statements to the university’s investigative committee before repeating them in court.

The hearing before the judge lasted about four hours, during which their statements were formally entered into the court record, the source said. Because the case carries potential criminal elements, the Public Prosecutor’s Office has become involved, according to the source.

The source also linked Salafi’s escape from Kurdistan to the fallout from the case and the ministry’s dismissal order.

Political analyst Henase Karim, speaking to iKurd, said Salafi appeared to be attempting to escape accountability by invoking religious language, suggesting he believes his Islamic rhetoric might shield him from the criminal allegations.

Karim argued that political Islamist figures who he said had caused harm to Kurds and the Kurdistan Region should face punishment, accusing them of placing religious identity above Kurdish nationalism and replacing Kurdish Islamic terminology with Arabic Islamic terminology.

Separately, a source close to Salafi’s family said he has not dropped his own case and is instead pressing forward with it, including seeking help from Interpol. The source said he plans to file complaints against people who insulted him or his relatives.

Karim, responding to that claim, dismissed it, saying that if Salafi believes he is innocent he should appear before the court and testify, adding that the evidence available points against him.

The family source said they have identified who was behind releasing the videos and audio recordings and said Salafi would keep pursuing the matter until, in his view, the truth comes out.

The controversy began after audio recordings and messages surfaced online weeks earlier, purportedly containing Salafi’s voice and written messages exchanged with a female student.

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ERBIL,—Iraqi Kurdistan Region’s Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research permanently dismissed Dr. Abdul Latif Ahmad, a lecturer at the University of Sulaimani also known as Abdullatif Salafi, on Wednesday after completing an investigation into sexual misconduct claims.

The ministry’s official decision cited Article 8 of the Discipline for State and Public Sector Employee Law, which provides the most severe disciplinary action allowed under Iraqi public service regulations.

The ruling imposed what is formally called “Azl,” an Arabic term meaning dismissal, on the Islamic Salafi figure and academic.

The penalty removes Salafi from his position in the Department of Islamic Sciences and permanently blocks him from working in any government institution in the future.

The case developed over several weeks after audio recordings and text messages purportedly involving Salafi were shared online.

Following the publication of those materials, the University of Sulaimani set up a committee to investigate the matter.

Students from the College of Islamic Sciences told investigators that Salafi reached out to them using his personal phone, asked them for photos, and shared inappropriate images with them. Formal complaints were submitted by multiple students.

Salafi, who holds a prominent role as leader of the Salafi movement in the Kurdistan Region, rejected the claims entirely. He called the recordings slander and maintained that the voice in them did not belong to him.

Kurdistan Regional Government Minister of Higher Education Aram Qadir stated in late June that he was in the process of reviewing the initial findings from the university’s investigative committee.

The controversy began in early June when UK-based activist Bilal Mahmood, known publicly as Yaxi, released audio and video materials he said were handed to him by four female students connected to Salafi.

Investigators worked to determine whether the recordings were genuine or had been modified or produced through artificial intelligence tools.

The incident is not the first time Salafi has faced public scrutiny. In 2016, recorded private conversations between him and one of his students became widely circulated and drew strong public criticism at the time.

Following that episode, the student ended her marriage and later wed Salafi.

Salafi Vows to Appeal Dismissal

Salafi said Wednesday that he plans to appeal a decision by the region’s higher education ministry to permanently remove him from his teaching position and ban him from future public-sector employment.

In a recorded video statement, Salafi rejected the ruling and said he does not accept it.

“This decision means nothing to me,” he said. “Any decision that is not based on law, Sharia, and justice has no value.”

Salafi also denied the allegations, claiming they were part of a coordinated effort by people who oppose him both personally and because of his beliefs.

(With files from Rudaw)

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

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The Hammer of Ethics and Broken Sacred Idols

Fuad Sediq | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

Between the dense smoke of religious discourse and the deep darkness of our present time, which has completely clouded our sky, our humanity and Kurdish identity are facing a major existential and moral crisis.

Religion has transformed from a spiritual manifesto into a dangerous tool of oppression and the stripping away of moral and human values.

When we carefully look at the current reality of Kurdish society, we see how political Islamic discourse and extremist Salafism have spread silently like poison through different areas of life. Here, a person with morality and a living conscience needs Nietzsche’s hammer in order to break all those imaginary idols that have grown in the name of holiness in the hearts of our cities and have pushed society toward emptiness.

Nietzsche taught us that most of those who claim asceticism, purity, and fear of God actually seek only to hide their wild instincts behind the thick curtain of religion. What we see today in Kurdistan under the title of preacher and religious scholar is a living example of that slave morality which pulls humanity backward and strips life of its true and beautiful meaning, leaving only shadows, fear, and accusations of heresy behind.

These preachers, who have occupied the intellectual and social arena, have filled society with intellectual bacteria that directly paralyze the sensitive nerves of reason. They have produced a discourse that disgusts any dignified and free person and makes coexistence impossible.

When a Salafi figure destroys a family and separates a woman from her husband merely to satisfy his own instincts, this is not a personal issue or a temporary deviation. Rather, it is the greatest failure of a closed ideological system that constantly claims moral superiority and the protection of the family.

Here we are reminded of Farag Foda’s ideas, and how he paid with his life for speaking the truth and warning that the religious state and religious fundamentalist discourse are merely decorated masks for achieving absolute power and satisfying hidden desires.

Foda believed that when religion becomes mixed with political and social conflict, the first victim sacrificed on the table of interests is morality and honesty. These Salafis today represent the “sacred ignorance” that Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd and Olivier Roy repeatedly described as a major danger; they bend religious texts according to their desires and interests, turning them into whips for punishing their opponents.

The committee formed to investigate the case involving Latif Salafi and the female students of the College of Sharia carries a great historical and moral responsibility. What is happening on the margins of these events is not merely an administrative investigation; it is a test of national morality and conscience.

The spreading of pressure and fear on social media to force the female victims into silence is a form of psychological terrorism intended to destroy what remains of the spirit of those young women who have already been exploited by Salafists.

David Hume, from a skeptical perspective, taught us that no one possesses absolute truth, yet this group behaves as if the keys to heaven and hell are in their pockets and seeks to turn people into slaves of a meaningless and contradictory discourse.

The responsibility of the Minister of Higher Education begins here, as a representative of reason and knowledge. He must not remain a silent observer. A minister who represents thought and learning should be a shield for those young women who have been humiliated and whose dignity has been violated under the cover of religion.

Silence in the face of such crimes means granting legitimacy and becoming a partner in the tragedy. This position was built on the blood of thousands of martyrs who sacrificed their lives for freedom and dignity, not so that universities could become testing grounds for the wild instincts of a handful of people whose minds are infected with intellectual bacteria.

Sayyid al-Qimni says that the history of religious fundamentalism is full of people who shed blood and violated honor simply to prove that they were God’s shadow on earth. Today, our preachers are repeating the same historical scenario. They are numerous in number, yet they have added no real human or intellectual value to society.

The essential question is this: in a society like Kurdistan, where for fourteen centuries simple and sincere village clerics taught human values and peace, why is there a need for so many colleges of Sharia, most of which produce extremism, backwardness, and closed-minded thinking? The clerics of the past worked for goodness and reconciliation, unlike these modern preachers whose eyes are fixed on other people’s wives and who trade in women’s bodies and dignity in the name of religion.

When George Tarabishi speaks of a disabled reason, he means precisely the kind of reason that surrenders to such discourse, a reason that neither questions nor criticizes, but merely obeys, allowing a preacher to decide the private lives and destinies of others according to his own desires.

These preachers drag society backward, toward centuries of darkness and eras when human beings were bought and sold. Our universities, which should be centers of creativity and intellectual discovery, are being turned into breeding grounds for people whose minds are infected with intellectual bacteria.

The government and the Ministry of Higher Education must conduct a deep and uncompromising review of these colleges of Sharia. Beyond promoting extremism and creating divisions among people, what have these colleges actually contributed to Kurdish knowledge? Has the time not come to stop producing extremists and morally corrupt individuals in the name of holiness? Nietzsche said that when you break idols, you hear the sound of their emptiness.

Today, if we strike these preachers with the hammer of philosophical criticism, we find nothing inside but emptiness, instinct, and frightening ignorance. They have nothing to offer except fear, intimidation, and the reproduction of slavery.

The minister’s responsibility here becomes a paternal and human duty toward all those young women who have been exploited under Salafist pressure. They need political and legal authority to stand behind them and prevent any Salafi from placing himself in the position of a god over other people. If the Minister of Higher Education remains silent today, he will be remembered as an accomplice of the offenders.

What the Salafists are doing is not merely a moral deviation; it is the spiritual and physical terrorization of human beings under the shelter of sacredness. A society in which a preacher can violate people’s honor and then justify it with religious texts is not merely a sick society, it stands on the edge of moral death. The solution requires major intellectual surgery: religious institutions that have become threats to social peace must either be closed or fundamentally reformed.

We need free human beings, not slaves who are too afraid of a preacher’s vision of hell to defend their own rights. When Nietzsche declared that God is dead, he meant that the old and oppressive meanings that had imprisoned humanity no longer functioned. Likewise, the extremist interpretations of religion that Salafists seek to impose must be allowed to die so that Kurdish people can live freely.

This modern preaching discourse consists of using technology to spread ignorance, which is the most dangerous form of ignorance. These people know only how to move backward. While the world advances toward exploring the universe and understanding the details of genetics, our preachers are still occupied with discussions about acquiring third and fourth wives and deceiving young women.

This is the national disaster that the Minister of Higher Education must confront. When George Tarabishi discusses the narcissistic wound of Islamic reason in relation to modernity, he refers to the harsh reaction displayed by religious fundamentalists in defense of their fragile position.

In Kurdistan, this reaction appears in the form of producing thousands of preachers and opening countless colleges of Sharia, which, instead of being centers of knowledge, have become factories for producing backward individuals.

Why, in a society where the majority are Muslims, do we still need so much instinct-driven preaching? The answer can be found in Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd’s thought, when he argues that religion in the hands of power-seekers and opportunists becomes a closed ideology used to control people’s minds and bodies.

These preachers do not exist to bring people closer to God; rather, they exist to separate people from truth and freedom and to keep them trapped in a constant feeling of guilt, because guilty people are easier to control. A College of Sharia within a modern university is like a foreign and poisonous element seeking to destroy science and logic.

When a Salafi, in the name of religion, pursues a married woman and then justifies taking her into his private sphere through religious reasoning, this represents the final collapse of the morality that religion claims to defend. Here Nietzsche’s hammer must shatter that imaginary idol of holiness, because any holiness that violates human dignity is merely a cover for corruption. This is exactly what Olivier Roy calls “sacred ignorance”, not illiteracy, but the separation of religion from culture, knowledge, and history.

Farag Foda sacrificed his life in confronting this kind of extremism because he understood that if religious fundamentalists gained control of society, the first thing they would destroy would be women’s dignity. Sayed Al-Qimni argues that extremists throughout history have always searched through the most private details of people’s lives in order to impose their authority.

Today in Kurdistan, this is being carried out systematically within academic institutions. The government must break its silence and review these massive religious institutions that produce nothing but ignorance and immorality. David Hume believed that religion, when placed in the hands of the ignorant, becomes a cause of moral corruption.

Natural morality tells us that no one should violate another person’s honor, yet Salafism claims that everything is permissible under the name of religious law. Universities should be places of creativity, not places where young women are exploited. We live in the twenty-first century, the age of AI, so how can an educational system still discuss the enslavement of women? What is happening today is a struggle between light and darkness; between the reason that seeks human freedom and the reason that seeks to turn people into slaves of dead texts.

If colleges of Sharia, mosques, and preachers do not serve the dignity of Kurdish people, what purpose do they serve other than destruction? The Minister of Higher Education must not submit to pressure from religious parties, because any negligence will place his name alongside the history of the Salafists themselves.

Those young women who have been wronged must know that the law should stand behind them. Silence in the face of Salafist oppression is one of the greatest injustices against humanity. We need an intellectual revolution so that reason can return to its rightful place and religion can return to people’s hearts, rather than becoming a tool for examining and controlling the bodies of young women.

Nietzsche said that he feared a day when holy people would destroy the world; today, that fear is becoming reality. All these meaningless forms of control carried out in universities in the name of religion must be dismantled. We need doctors, engineers, philosophers, researchers, artists, and great writers, not people who make human beings hate life.

Kurdistan deserves a generation that is free and possesses an open mind. This is a major test for all those who claim to support human rights: can they free Kurdish people from the grip of this sacred ignorance? The decision is in our hands, and history remembers only courage.

Until now, the power of truth has always been stronger than every mask. The fog of ignorance spread by the Salafists can be cleared only by the light of reason and by breaking these imaginary idols. The Minister of Higher Education and all decision-makers must understand that protecting the dignity of one individual means protecting the dignity of the entire nation.

Allowing this situation to continue means surrendering to a darkness that seeks to destroy every form of beauty in this land. The time has come to raise our hammers and break these false idols of holiness that have been built upon fear and exploitation, so that Kurdish people may find meaning in their lives under the light of truth and freedom.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on June 23, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post Ethics Hammer and the Fall of Sacred Illusions appeared first on iKurd News.

Sexual Harassment Allegations Against Dr. Abdul Latif Salafi Shake University of Sulaimani as Students Prepare to Testify

SULAIMANI, Iraqi Kurdistan region,— Students at the College of Islamic Sciences at the University of Sulaimani say that ten female students they describe as victims are ready to testify before a university investigative committee examining allegations of sexual harassment against lecturer Dr. Abdul Latif Ahmad, also known as Abdullatif Salafi. A university spokesperson said officials are hearing all parties involved.

Salafi, also a leader within the Salafi movement and a controversial Salafi preacher.

The allegations have sparked ongoing reactions after audio recordings and claims circulated against Salafi, a lecturer and Islamic religious figure at the university.

Students from his college insist the case involves serious misconduct and say the process must not be diverted from what they describe as its original course.

Salafi Ahmad has denied all accusations, saying they are false and fabricated. In a Facebook post, he said the claims have no legal or religious basis and will not affect his message, adding that those behind the allegations should expect divine punishment.

In a written statement issued by several students from the College of Islamic Sciences, the group said they are fully convinced of the claims and assert they have witnessed more than what has been made public. They said they are prepared to present victims and testify before the committee.

The statement accuses Abdullatif Salafi of ethical violations, including sexual harassment of female students. It further claims that around ten victims have been identified and are ready to testify.

One student who signed the statement told Rudaw media that about fifteen students are aware of its contents and that others also support the claims.

The student said victims are expected to appear before the committee formed by the University of Sulaimani and urged that the investigation remain focused on verified victims and evidence.

On June 18, 2026, the University of Sulaimani announced it had formed a committee to investigate the allegations following public reaction.

University spokesperson Dr. Johan Osman said that the committee is a fact finding and follow up body tasked with conducting a detailed review of all aspects of the case.

He added that the committee includes legal experts and is working in coordination with the public prosecution in Sulaimani. He also said that any victim who wishes to speak will be fully heard and that no part of the case will be ignored.

The students outlined six main accusations against Salafi. They allege that academic grades were manipulated in exchange for inappropriate behavior toward female students, contributing to discrimination and dissatisfaction among students.

They also allege that exam questions were sold in exchange for gaining favor with female students. The students said they have evidence supporting this claim and that one of the victims is prepared to testify before both the committee and the public prosecutor.

The initial allegations were raised by a young man living outside the country known on social media as Yakhi, whose real name is Bilal Mahmoud.

He told the media that Salafi deceived four female students from the College of Islamic Sciences, who were his students, and that they were subjected to sexual harassment.

Audio recordings shared in connection with the case contain only a male voice. Yakhi said he edited the recordings over several hours to protect the identities of the women, stating that they trusted him and must remain anonymous due to social conditions.

He said the case involves four female students, not one, and that additional material exists. He added that some of the women are speaking out, while others have remained silent due to fear and social stigma.

Yakhi said one student first contacted him, and after further investigation he learned that three additional students had also reported harassment by the lecturer.

He also said he has repeatedly challenged Salafito a public mutual oath, known as mubahala, claiming the lecturer has refused.

The University of Sulaimani continues to state that its committee is reviewing all claims and will hear testimony from all relevant parties.

Students insist that the alleged victims are ready to testify, while Salafi maintains that all accusations against him are false and without legal or religious foundation.

Many observers and analysts say that in Sulaimani, which is under the influence and control of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) led by Bafel Talabani, PUK-linked TV channels and media outlets appear to be presenting coverage that is supportive of Salafi.

Critics accuse these outlets and the PUK party of lacking transparency and say the PUK should allow a fully open and transparent investigation to proceed without influence.

They also claim that parts of the media coverage are trying to portray Salafi in a positive light, a view that others dispute.

(With files from Rudaw | Agencies)

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Killing in the name of belief through ritual subjugation

Twana Muhammad Nuri | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

When you read that “clarification” by Ali Qaradaghi—a Kurdish Sunni Muslim scholar who, in January 2024, was elected President of the International Union of Muslim Scholars (IUMS) following the death of its former leader, Yusuf al‑Qaradawi—which seems to respond to a question about Kurds and sects, you might initially feel a kind of “sympathy.”

The words are chosen with political precision to appear soft or gentle at first glance. But when you look past the ethical veil and examine the core of his reasoning, a more frightening reality emerges: this is a manifesto of human subjugation and the killing of “sameness.”

Ali Qaradaghi proudly states: “My first and final intimacy is with Islam, and under this framework, human intimacy comes second.”

This sentence alone shows that we are facing a mindset in which humanity itself is killed. When the category of “human” is placed second and “belief” is first, there is no longer talk of citizens as equals, only of “followers.”

From a freedom-loving perspective, all humans are equal without condition. But Qaradaghi ties human rights to one condition: “as long as one does not oppose the fundamentals of Islam.” This divides society into two categories: believers (who have privileges and rank one) and everyone else (who are deprived of rights and protection).

Qaradaghi says he opposes secularists because “their beliefs are corrupt.” To be honest, the most terrifying word in political Islam is “sameness.” Qaradaghi’s problem with secular powers is not that they are enemies, but that they recognize equal rights and freedom of religion.

In Qaradaghi’s view, men and women cannot be equal; women are half of men in terms of rights, while men may have up to four wives.

When a force comes and says, “men and women are fully equal in all things and religion has no legal relevance,” this becomes a “corrupt belief” in his eyes. He wants women to remain silent under the veil, not equal to men in public life.

Ali Qaradaghi has been active for 40 years. But the essential question is: service to whom? To humans as humans, or only to those who occupy a place in his ideology?

In this mindset, a citizen who does not believe in God, a woman who does not wear hijab, or a young person who chooses modern music and art, is not worthy of support. This means they do not have human value; they only have “assigned existence.” This is not support for the people, it is support for creating a closed society.

The hidden goal behind Qaradaghi’s seemingly “gentle” words for the youth is the process of “erasing will.” Religion, in essence, teaches humans to depend on “fate” and “divine will,” not their own strength and intellect.

Qaradaghi explicitly wants people to be without will, because a human without will is easier to control. When you believe that your destiny is not in your hands and you must only “obey,” your ability to think, resist, or change disappears. This is an attempt to create a “sheep” that only follows a leash, not a conscious society that owns its own decisions.

A very important point must be understood: Islam always speaks of “justice,” but never speaks of “equality.” Because in their culture, “justice” means dealing with everyone according to their legal rank: men as men, women as women (second rank).

But we are talking about equality without any asterisk. Equality means:

• The value of every human is the same, whether religious or not.

• Women have the same power and freedom as men, without “ifs” or “buts.”

• The law is the same for everyone, and no “holiness” allows one person to dominate another.

What we need today is not a return to the “religious framework” where humans are subjugated and ranked by belief. We need a society in which equality is not only a formality but a law. A society in which women are not punished for their gender and youth are not punished for their thinking.

To be liberated from this mindset, we need a complete reversal of its fundamental logic. As Feuerbach clearly says: “Man made religion; religion did not make man.”

It is time for humans to bring their own creation to its rightful place (their own hearts), and not allow it to become a chain or restriction for society. Humans are free only when no text or law controls their will.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on February 11, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

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A Muslim cannot be a Kurd; a Kurd cannot be a Muslim

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SULAIMANI,— At least 51 women have been killed or have died under suspicious circumstances in Iraqi Kurdistan since the start of 2025, according to compiled data by Rojnews, underscoring an ongoing pattern of violence against women in the region.

Many of the killings occurred within families and were linked to claims of honor, domestic disputes, or alleged mental illness, local sources and media reports show. In several cases, women were killed by close male relatives, including husbands, fathers, or brothers.

The deaths were reported in multiple cities across Iraqi Kurdistan. Some women were killed using firearms or other weapons, while others died after being strangled or attacked with corrosive substances. In a number of cases, the circumstances surrounding the deaths remain unclear.

Violence against women has persisted amid broader economic, political, and social pressures in the region. Observers say these conditions, combined with long-standing patriarchal norms and the influence of authority-controlled media, have contributed to an increase in such crimes.

Data published by Rojnews Agency shows that 51 women have been killed or found dead under suspicious circumstances since the beginning of this year.

The agency said the cases were documented across the Kurdistan Region through local monitoring and media coverage.

The figure marks an increase from 2024, when at least 48 women were reported killed or found dead under similar conditions, according to the statistics.

Journalists say access to official data remains limited, forcing media outlets to rely on independent reporting.

Since taking office in 2019, Kurdistan Regional Government caretaker Prime Minister Masrour Barzani has faced criticism from rights advocates over what they describe as restrictions on publishing data related to violence against women. Analysts say the lack of public statistics has made it difficult to measure the scale of the problem.

Reports from legal observers point to weaknesses in the judicial system, including interference in court proceedings and delays in resolving cases involving women. In some instances, suspects have reportedly been released or not prosecuted, a situation critics attribute to political influence and inconsistent enforcement of the law.

On Jan. 21, 2025, Iraq approved a proposed amendment to Personal Status Law No. 188 of 1959 that critics say legalizes child marriage.

The amendments give Islamic courts greater authority over family matters, including marriage, divorce, and inheritance, raising concerns among human rights advocates.

Critics say the changes undermine Iraq’s 1959 Personal Status Law, which unified family law and provided legal protections for women.

Under the current law, the minimum marriage age is 18. The amendments approved Tuesday would allow clerics to make rulings based on their interpretation of Islamic law. Some interpretations could permit girls to marry as young as 9, particularly under the Jaafari school followed by many Shiite religious leaders in Iraq.

Supporters of the amendments, mostly conservative Shiite lawmakers, argue the changes are needed to align Iraq’s legal system with Islamic principles and limit the influence of Western culture.

Authorities have described Iraqi Kurdistan as a safe environment for women. Analysts, however, say restrictions on the publication of data related to women’s killings are aimed at protecting political authority rather than addressing the root causes of violence.

Local sources say courts and social institutions continue to play a role in shaping women’s position in society, limiting their participation in public life across Iraqi Kurdistan.

(With files from Rojnews | Agencies)

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SULAIMANI, Iraqi Kurdistan,— Sociologist Kurda Ahmed says that the killing of women is not an authentic component of Kurdish culture but rather an imported practice, stressing that addressing women’s issues is fundamental to establishing stability in society.

In Southern (Iraqi) Kurdistan, violations against women are increasing day by day. According to the March 8 Network, 53 women were killed during the past 11 months alone.

These crimes have left deep impacts on families and society, particularly on children. Speaking to Rojnews, Ahmed discussed the roots of violence against women and ways to address it.

Violence Leaves Lasting Impacts on Children

Kurda Ahmed emphasized that violence against women directly affects the relationship between mothers and their children. She said that women in society become victims of wars and a patriarchal mentality, which negatively impacts the social structure and children in particular.

“Children have a strong emotional bond with their mothers, and therefore they also become victims,” she said, noting that the consequences of violence leave long-term psychological effects.

She added that gender discrimination remains present in upbringing practices, and that many families continue to exercise severe violence against women.

Honor Killings Are Not Rooted in Kurdish Culture

Addressing the role of social traditions in the continuation of violence against women, the sociologist said that violence against women has existed for thousands of years, but the practice of killing women in the name of honor is not rooted in Kurdish culture.

“This practice was imported to us,” she said, explaining that it does not stem from Kurdish cultural heritage. Instead, it took shape during the enactment of Iraq’s Personal Status Law between 1955 and 1958, which provided legal cover for the killing of women under the pretext of “honor.”

She stressed that this turned the practice into a socially enforced norm and emphasized that this mindset was imposed and does not originate from Kurdish culture itself.

Seeking Protection Remains a ‘Red Line’

Kurda Ahmed also spoke about the obstacles faced by women victims when attempting to file complaints. She said that when a woman turns to protection centers, it usually means her suffering has already become extremely severe.

“Seeking refuge in centers is considered a red line within families and tribes,” she said. “As a result, many women remain silent and continue to suffer abuse.”

She added that women’s freedom has not yet become stable and remains in a fragile state. While authentic Kurdish culture does not promote gender discrimination, she argued that a dominant and oppressive mentality has interfered with and distorted cultural values.

She stressed the need to raise individuals in a modern way, based on Kurdish history and ancient culture, without creating gender discrimination.

Women’s Issues Are the Basis of Social Stability

Regarding solutions to violence against women, Kurda Ahmed stressed the importance of spreading public awareness and redefining how women are viewed in society.

She said women must be recognized as independent individuals who own their bodies, thoughts, and lives, and who are capable of making their own decisions.

“Addressing women’s issues means laying the foundations of stability in society,” she said.

Kurda Ahmed also emphasized the role of families, civil organizations, and the government in providing psychological support to women. She noted that patriarchal mentalities are deeply rooted within families and government institutions alike.

To change this mentality, she said efforts must begin with marriage practices, gender discrimination must be eliminated, awareness must be raised within families, and programs should highlight women’s strength and capabilities.

She also called on families to work toward equality between both genders and urged women’s organizations to expand awareness efforts regarding women’s rights and responsibilities.

The term “honor killing”, also known as a shame killing, describes a murder carried out, usually by family members, to defend or restore what they see as the family’s honor. This is often based on the belief that the victim has brought shame to the family through their actions.

Most honor killings involve women and are a severe form of violence against women, especially in societies where traditional or legal restrictions limit women’s rights and freedoms.

While honor killings are most commonly reported in the Middle East, North Africa, and South Asia, they also occur in other parts of the world, including the Philippines, the Caucasus, Latin America, East Africa, and historically in Mediterranean Europe. They are also seen in immigrant communities in countries where such practices are not socially or legally supported.

Honor killings are often linked to rural or tribal communities, but they can also happen in cities. These crimes are rooted in cultural, social, and sometimes legal pressures that place a high value on family reputation and perceived social standing.

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Sara Hussein | Exclusive to iKurd.net

Every society that claims to value equality must face one simple question: can a relationship built on unequal rights ever be moral? The practice of polygamy, one man allowed several wives, still survives under legal and religious protection in parts of the Muslim world. Its defenders call it divine wisdom, its victims call it ordinary injustice.

Polygamy treats love like a ration. A man divides his time, affection, and resources among several women who are expected to accept the fragments as proof of faith.

No rule or verse can manufacture fairness in that arrangement. The arithmetic of emotion doesn’t work that way. Each woman lives half-loved, always measuring herself against the others, while the man’s authority remains unquestioned.

Supporters point to historical reasons, wars, widows, survival, but those reasons belong to a world of scarcity, not to a century that speaks the language of consent and choice.

Today, women are no longer property to be “protected” through marriage. They are citizens, professionals, thinkers. To keep polygamy alive is to pretend that half of society has not evolved.

Even when entered “voluntarily,” the choice is rarely free. Economic dependence and social pressure disguise obedience as consent. A woman who rejects a polygamous offer risks being labeled disobedient or unfaithful to her culture. Power, not piety, enforces the system.

Across the Muslim world, reformist scholars and activists are beginning to name this contradiction. They argue that a principle that once sought compassion now produces humiliation.

The moral core of any belief should be justice, when justice is impossible, the practice must end. Many Muslim-majority countries already recognize this: Tunisia banned polygamy decades ago, Morocco restricts it severely, and even clerics in Indonesia and Egypt question its ethical cost.

The modern standard of humanity is clear. Equality in love and partnership is not negotiable. Any tradition, religious, cultural, or political, that places one gender above another cannot survive honest moral scrutiny.

The question is no longer whether men may take four wives, it is why any society that calls itself just would still allow it.

Men in Iraqi Kurdistan Circumvent the Law to Marry Twice

In Iraqi Kurdistan, laws claim to protect women from polygamy, but in practice, the system is full of loopholes, legal tricks, and cultural double standards.

The question is no longer just about religion or tradition, it is about power, control, and whether society will finally enforce equality, or continue to let male privilege dictate who can love, live, and choose freely.

Polygamy in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region is officially restricted. Kurdish law allows a man to marry a second wife only in exceptional cases, such as when the first wife cannot have children, and only with both judicial approval and her written consent.

Despite these strict rules, many men bypass them by leaving Kurdistan and marrying again in other parts of Iraq, where federal law is more lenient and allows multiple marriages with far fewer restrictions.

Under Islamic tradition, a man may have up to four wives if he can “deal justly” with each of them. This principle has influenced family laws across Muslim-majority countries for centuries.

In Iraq, the 1959 Personal Status Law codified this practice, allowing men to take another wife with a judge’s approval. Applicants must provide a valid reason and demonstrate the financial means to support multiple spouses. Men who marry without permission face fines and potential prison sentences.

When the Kurdistan Region gained autonomy, it sought to modernize its legal framework.

In 2008, lawmakers tightened the personal status law significantly. Now, a man in Kurdistan can marry a second wife only under “exceptional circumstances,” such as infertility of the first wife. He must obtain judicial approval and the written consent of his first wife.

Violating these rules carries penalties of six to twelve months in prison and fines of up to ten million Iraqi dinars (approximately USD 8,600). Women’s rights groups celebrated the reform as a milestone, citing a sharp decline in polygamous marriages.

Despite these efforts, loopholes persist. The most common is geographic: outside Kurdistan, Iraq still follows the 1959 law rooted in Sharia-based personal status codes. Men wishing to circumvent Kurdish restrictions travel to cities like Kirkuk, Makhmour, or Khanaqin to remarry legally.

These areas, with substantial Kurdish populations, continue to register multiple marriages. Unofficial 2014 data estimated around 450 Kurdish men married second wives in Kirkuk and 150 in Makhmour in a single year. Over two years, roughly 1,150 Kurdish men reportedly used this “marriage tourism” to bypass regional restrictions.

Critics argue this undermines Kurdistan’s reforms. Women’s rights activists note that first wives often face pressure, manipulation, or threats if they refuse consent, highlighting the private toll of these arrangements.

Some campaigners call for a unified personal status law across Iraq, combined with public education on gender equality, to address the issue.

A related trend is the rise of Islamic Misyar marriage, or “temporary marriage.” In this arrangement, couples live separately, and women often waive traditional rights such as financial support or inheritance.

Proponents claim it offers flexibility, but critics say it enables exploitation and reinforces gender inequality.

Kurdish activists describe Misyar as a way for men to bypass moral and legal limits, while some Islamic clerics defend it as a solution for widows, divorcees, or unmarried women seeking companionship.

The Kurdistan Region’s reforms aimed to modernize family law and promote gender equality. However, cross-border marriages and the growth of alternative arrangements like Misyar reveal how fragile this progress remains.

Legal restrictions alone cannot ensure justice. Until laws are enforced effectively and cultural double standards are addressed, polygamy in all its forms will continue to challenge the promise of a modern, equitable Kurdistan.

Kurdistan cannot keep pretending that conditional polygamy is acceptable. The law must end the fiction that a man can ever have multiple official wives.

Elastic exceptions, loopholes, and judicial approvals only serve to protect male privilege and punish women. If the region truly wants to claim progress, equality, and justice, it must follow the example of the West: one man, one wife, no excuses, no exceptions. Anything less is a betrayal of women and of modern society.

Sara Hussein, a Kurdish writer living abroad, she focuses on politics, culture, and religion. She is a contributing writer for iKurd.net.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

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Syrian Kurdistan grants equal rights to women

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