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Home Contributions Exclusive

The Absurd Cause For The Faili Kurds Holocausts – Part VI

Dr. Ala Musa Hasan by Dr. Ala Musa Hasan
June 22, 2016
in Exclusive, Kurds in Iraq, Feyli
This entry is part 6 of 8 in the series Faili Kurds Holocausts

Faili Kurds Holocausts
  • The Absurd Cause For The Faili Kurds Holocausts – Part I
  • The Absurd Cause For The Faili Kurds Holocausts – Part II
  • The Absurd Cause For The Faili Kurds Holocausts – Part III
  • The Absurd Cause For The Faili Kurds Holocausts – Part IV
  • The Absurd Cause For The Faili Kurds Holocausts – Part V
  • The Absurd Cause For The Faili Kurds Holocausts – Part VI
  • The Absurd Cause For The Faili Kurds Holocausts – Part VII
  • The Absurd Cause For The Faili Kurds Holocausts – Part VIII
The Absurd Cause For The Faili Kurds Holocausts
Iraqi Faili Kurds. Photo: Archive

Dr. Ala Musa Hasan | Exclusive to iKurd.net

In-group and Out-Group approach

In Iraq, the current communal social and political institutions are characterized by exploitation, political exclusion, and unequal access to resources and services for out-group members (Faili Kurds).

These unappealing structural forces often create a system of winners and losers in which people become trapped in a particular social situation.

The Social and political structural segregation of the Faili Kurds people often results, in the form of power inequity, poverty, and the denial of basic human rights. This is when basic human needs go unmet, and the out-groups members (Faili Kurds) would suffer from inadequate access to resources and exclusion from institutional patterns of decision-making. Unjust structural forces and divisions also contribute to discrimination, lack of education, reduced equality of life, and inadequate employment opportunities.

Many Faili Kurds people in Iraq are still experiencing daily injustice and oppression by the established social and political structures of Baghdad and Kurdistan regional government. Still up to date, the Faili Kurds people are facing daily ethnic classifications/categorization (in-group and out-group members) from Iraq central and Kurdiston regional governments.

They tend to do that in order to segregate them from the existed social and political structures. The Faili Kurds people were considered for both groups in power (Arabs and Kurdish from the north) as out-group members and they were not socially and politically recognized and confronted with their issues and concerns. They were faced with many inequities in social, political, and economic power.

The governing group see the group to which they belong (the in-group) as being different and superior from the others (the out-group). Social categorization is one explanation for prejudice attitudes (i.e. “them” and “us” mentality) which leads to in-groups and out-groups frame of mind.

Prejudiced views between ethnicity may result in racism; in its extreme forms, racism may result in genocide, such as occurred in Germany with the Jews and more recently, in the former Yugoslavia between the Bosnians and Serbs. Therefore, they divided the world into “them” and “us” based through a process of social categorization/classification

In Iraq like else where, the Faili Kurds people are trapped between the four dreadful angles, the borders of Iraq and Iran states, Shiit religions, unique ethnic groups, and the corrupted political and social institutions. Currently, most Faili belong to a global Diasporas, many of whom are desperate to return home to Baghdad, but the bureaucratic roadblocks have contributed to the continual predicament of the Faili group following the liberation of Iraq.

As a result, the Faili Kurds community is scattered and unable to band together and establish its group representation which may help to resolve the most pressing issues, such as, their statelessness and the lack of the repayment of their funds which were illegally seized by the past government.

It is unlikely that the process within the Iraqi system can be effective in dealing with the injustice and inequality that the Faili Kurds are experiencing from the system fault. Because these processes are designed to support the dominant group (in-group)that are running the corrupt existing institution, thus, conflicts that stems from unmet human needs may be contained by the dishonest existing system and are unlikely to be resolved. As a result, there will be a protracted segregation and conflict until changes are made to these basic social structures. And in many cases, if social structural changes are not made, eventually change (oftentimes for the worse) will occur by means of violence.

Since instituting the fundamental social structural changes is extremely difficult to do, these structural and systemic problems are often the main cause of protracted, intractable conflicts. Indeed, any set of institutions and social relationships that have the propensity to deny identity, social recognition, autonomy, or preconditions for human development, creates an environment of conflict.

Structural conflict is likely to result whenever the patterned of social relationships fail to satisfy the basic needs or secure vital human interests. Any society that aspires to meet the needs of its citizens, deal with serious social problems and avoid violent conflict must address these issues.

Today, there is much conflict and corruption within the political and social structures in Iraq’s government that is characterized by a general breakdown of its government and parliamentary structure, as well as, its economic privation and civil strife. Its bad governance is a form of injustice and cruelty that was positioned on its citizens and particularly against the Faili Kurds population.

Thus, there is a need for state reform and democratization, and it must involve more than just the reorganization of its administrative system or its system of resource allocation. These social and political structural changes should contribute to the establishment of participatory nation-building processes by fostering democratic development, nonviolent and just dispute resolution systems, the participation of its all population, and rule of law.

Social and political structural changes are an integral part of transitioning to peace society, as well as addressing the injustice that may have fueled conflict in the first place. Indeed, peace building must involve systemic change that helps create and sustain a new social reality. An integral part of minimizing violent conflict is by transforming those structures and dynamics that govern social and political relations, as well as access to power and resources.

These sorts of systemic changes typically involve policy or institutional adjustments, as well as the creation of new institutions to meet basic political and socioeconomic needs of its people. These social structural reforms aim to ameliorate some of the conflict’s underlying causes and conditions and restructure the system of social relationships that has broken down.

Addressing the injustice that the Faili Kurds people are facing everyday in Iraq often requires far-reaching changes in the existing of political and social structures and institutions of its society. However, our existed political parties are chiefly concerned with their own agenda by altering the existing legal and political institutions for that purpose.

They have no interested in reforming the government social and political institutions to serve and protect the interest of all its population, by involving vigorous measures that are aimed at democratization and increased political participation. Our societies should strive to develop a “workable political system in which the multiple social groups and minority can participate to their satisfaction. This sort of state reform has the potential to mitigate and heal the effects of violent intrastate conflict, as well as prevent future conflict.

Strong civil society involves the participation of various sectors, including the business world, trade unions, women’s groups, warship places, and human rights activists.

In Iraq’s society, some citizens (Faili Kurds) are alienated from the institutions and practices of the governance body, and its public institutions are unable to solve their social problems. Community relationships and civic life either do not exist or have been disintegrated. When civil society is absent or inactive, it is a sign of an oppressive regime.

One way to strengthening our community and civil society is by addressing the persistent social problems such as destructive injustice, poverty, violence, and environmental degradation. Strong civil society can promote dialogue and reconciliation, foster good governance, and build peace across cultures.

It can also foster the values of caring, tolerance, and cooperation, and encourage public discourse and broad participation in the construction of public policy. People who care about community are less likely to participate in mindless development, environmental pollution, and racial and economic segregation.

All the Faili Kurds people are asking for is a responsible government that can effectively manage and control its state and preserve justice and peace among all its citizens. As the state continually slides into sectarian turmoil, it is in the government’s best interest to redress the grievances of those Faili Kurds who suffered and continually are suffering from out-group category.

As well as, the return of their seized citizenship, rights, and funds to allow those individuals who have historically contributed to and developed the economy of Baghdad to again be in the position of power to invest.

Thus, the Iraqi government needs to repair its broken relationships with the Faili Kurds populations and stop the current corruption to further hinder the Faili Kurds community, who were and are still treated so brutally by the past and the current regime.

Minority groups such as the Faili Kurds people have been systematically isolated, silenced, or coerced to align themselves with the larger political entities under threat of force. The current corruption and bureaucratic red-tape that is currently ruling Baghdad’s government is muffling the treatment that endured by the Faili Kurds under the old regime,

All that can be accomplish through the process of democratization. The establishment of democratic institutions such as political parties, voting mechanisms, and court systems can provide the mechanisms for power sharing and the proper balancing of political and economic power.

Strengthening institutions might also involve judicial reform, the institution of free elections and the creation of a permanent human-rights ombudsman’s office. These institutions should carry out just and transparent procedures and promote open and participatory democratic processes. Such processes can lead to the transformation of power structures and increased involvement in political debate.

Social and political structures that preserve unequal power relationships often deny the out-groups members the opportunity to participate in the decision-making processes that affect them. Therefore, empowering the weaker parties to negotiate solutions to the deep-rooted structural problems is very beneficial. This process helps the minority group to clarify their grievances and successfully raise them with the authorities. Reallocations of power to the out-group members, gender, racial, or sexual discrimination and injustice can form part of structural change.

In general, social and political institutions sets the context for individual and group functions and behaviors and they are meant to provide the resources that the individuals need to survive in society. How people act and live is shaped in large part by the social and political structures in which they find themselves compelled to. To some extent, Social justice is a matter of ensuring that these structures and institutions do in fact satisfy basic human needs.

Dr. Ala Musa Hasan, a Canada-based Faili Kurd, PHD Candidates in Clinical Psychology.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2016 iKurd.net. All rights reserved

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Dr. Ala Musa Hasan

Dr. Ala Musa Hasan

Dr. Ala Musa Hasan, a Canada-based Faili Kurd, PHD Candidates in Clinical Psychology. He is an occasional contributing writer for iKurd.net

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