PUK and Resetting of New Generation Movement

Abdulla Mahmood | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

The New Generation Movement (NGM) (Cûłanewey Newey Nwê) was founded in 2017. The formation of this movement was based on two pillars: the “No to Now” movement against holding the Kurdistan Region independence referendum, and the major failure of the Change (Gorran) Movement in the political arena of Kurdistan.

The Movement participated in several rounds of elections in the region and Iraq, and it was able to gather around itself part of the scattered base of the Gorran Movement and a group of people dissatisfied with the authorities, winning several parliamentary seats.

From the beginning, the NGM introduced itself with a bold tone and claimed that it would execute the leaders of the Kurdish nationalist movement, especially the sons of Talabani, by “hanging.” It also claimed that it would not participate in the power of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), but rather would take over the top of power and establish a strong economic base and a prosperous society!!.

Now, after nine years, the NGM no longer uses bold slogans or speaks about hanging the sons of Talabani or taking over the top of power. Instead, it has joined hands with the PUK and the sons of Talabani.

The PUK, through a specific process, was able to weaken the New Generation Movement, which was already built on weak foundations. Beyond its slogans about formation and its flashy stated goals, the NGM was originally formed within the environment of corruption of power and specifically inside the Green Zone (Areas in Iraqi Kurdistan controlled by PUK).

The leader of this Movement, in the image of a businessman and a commercial company, sought to take advantage of the bad political situation, the conflict between the KDP and the PUK, the failure of the Change Movement, and public dissatisfaction with the authorities, in order to transform himself from a company and commercial brand into a political movement.

The leader and founder of the NGM wanted, through this political shop, which relied on a media outlet marked by corruption and theft, to grow this brand and business through political participation and involvement in political conflicts, and thereby increase his capital.

Over nine years, the NGM and its leader, through very harsh statements against the authorities and especially against the PUK, raised many questions about themselves. Questions such as: Who is behind the NGM? How does the NGM attack the PUK in this way? What force does the New Generation rely on? Why does the PUK allow the NGM to attack it like this? etc.

The PUK, while internally strengthening its organizational structure through pressure, intimidation, file creation, and political purges, bringing much of the influence of the sons of Talabani under control, at the same time attacked the semi-open space of the Green Zone and those margins of freedom that had emerged from mass protest movements.

Lahur Sheikh Jangi Talabani, left, arrested in Sulaimani, Iraqi Kurdistan, August 22, 2025. Photo: Video/SM

Moreover, through force and armed pressure, it closed the case of the “People’s Front” and Lahur Sheikh Jangi Talabani.

After fully controlling the PUK and ending the case of Lahur, the sons of Talabani, in order to continue their conflict with the KDP as their main rival in the region, needed greater dominance in the Green Zone so they could fully consolidate their authority.

Within this framework, the case of the NGM and its leader became a file, a file that in every election caused concern for the PUK and, at the same time, attracted voters from the Green Zone base itself.

Shaswar Abdulwahid, leader of the New Generation Movement (Cûłanewey Newey Nwê), greets supporters inside Sulaimani Court, Iraqi Kurdistan, September 2, 2025. Photo: Video/SM

At first, the PUK, through the courts, seized a large part of the leader’s assets and property. Then, because of the many legal cases filed against Shaswar Abdulwahid, which the PUK had preserved, it was able to imprison Shaswar Abdulwahid.

With this step, the PUK both dealt a major blow to the NGM during the election period and turned the issue from a political conflict into a legal case. The NGM leader, who had many legal cases in the courts, became for the PUK an easy and convenient file that could be used whenever it wanted to resolve matters and reset the New Generation Movement or bring it into its political framework and plans.

After the arrest and release of Shaswar Abdulwahid, the NGM opened a new page with the PUK and became like fruit jam. Not only did the threats and claims against the PUK and the sons of Talabani end, but the door to rapprochement, dialogue, and agreement was opened.

This time, it was decided that the NGM, together with the PUK, would present themselves as a bloc against the KDP. Moreover, they began speaking about changing the balance of power and the style of governance in the region.

Shaswar Abdulwahid, leader of the New Generation Movement (Cûłanewey Newey Nwê), is welcomed by family members after his release from prison in Sulaimani, Iraqi Kurdistan, on January 14, 2026. Photo: iKurd.net/screengrab/video/NRT TV

The control of the NGM by the PUK and the resetting of its slogans, on one hand, ended the movement’s previous role and marked the beginning of its decline as a form of opposition. On the other hand, it turned the NGM into a reserve and a card in the PUK’s conflicts with the KDP.

Now, the NGM is not only participating in regional power, but is also taking part in the Iraqi government in Baghdad with a ministry. It expresses gratitude to the PUK for this support and the ministry it received in return.

The PUK aims, in its conflict with the KDP, especially at a time when the issue of a non-functioning government and a “dead parliament” is ongoing, to benefit from the position and seats of the New Generation.

The NGM, in turn, is forced to comply and show approval toward the PUK so that it can at least continue operating peacefully within a framework of friendship with the PUK, while the leader’s legal cases remain closed.

Of course, whenever the New Generation Movement returns to confrontation and hostile pressure against the PUK, the stored cases against its leader are ready, and judges, courts!!, and prison doors are available for use.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on May 27, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.