The Kurds’ Struggle in a World Without Honor

A Dishonorable World

Ghazi Hassan | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

I oppose anything that happens against humanity, including oppression, violence, and killing, anywhere in the world. I believe that when such crimes occur, many countries speak out and condemn them, regardless of religion or ethnicity.

However, when it comes to the Kurds, the world remains silent and acts as a passive observer, watching dramatic, tragic, and painful events unfold. For this reason, we are now living in a truly dishonorable world.

In a short period of time, the United States changed all its policies and positions regarding Ahmed Sharaa [also known as Abu Mohammed al-Golani]. Instead of seeking justice, it welcomed an ISIS leader into the White House. Today, by supporting extremist Islamist jihadist and terrorist groups such as Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and Turkish-backed militias, these forces are empowered to attack Kurdish areas governed by the SDF.

In recent days, serious crimes against humanity have been committed. What is happening is part of a deliberate policy of demographic change, forced displacement, and the violent removal of Kurdish civilians from their homes. This clearly shows the level of moral collapse dominating today’s world.

Europe officially granted political legitimacy to a terrorist like Sharaa in order to protect its political, economic, and geopolitical interests. At the same time, European leaders continue to claim that the Kurds played a decisive role in defeating and weakening ISIS.

The Kurdish forces in Syria currently function as an organized military and administrative authority. In the name of humanitarian values, openness, and democracy, they have pursued balanced, cooperative, and inclusive relations with different communities.

At the same time, they treat other Kurdish political groups, both armed and unarmed, with distrust and exclusion. I see this as part of the pain, weakness, and internal illness that continue to damage the Kurdish cause. It reflects a form of internal authoritarianism combined with outward claims of democracy and openness.

In general, Kurdish political actors have spoken out against the violent actions of militias affiliated with the Syrian interim government, and protests have taken place in many locations. Political statements, diplomatic efforts, and calls for Kurdish unity have been made in order to reduce pressure.

Some groups present these efforts as party achievements. Others claim that the violence has nothing to do with the ideology of extremist Islamist groups and frame it as an identity issue instead. Islamist actors remain largely silent, and when they speak, they do so weakly and late. Although some Kurdish religious leaders recently spoke clearly and stated that these crimes violate Islam and religion, the reality remains that this is the mass killing of Kurds by Arab forces.

What is the core problem? I explain it through several points:

First: Arab chauvinist thinking remains dominant. At its core, it rejects Kurdish existence, movement, and basic rights. This ideology continues to shape political behavior and reflects a deeply rooted and dangerous intellectual tradition.

Second: Political Islamist fascism, built on Arab nationalist and racist foundations, is expanding in a dangerous way. These forces are active within the Syrian interim authority and openly express their desire to eliminate the Kurds. Their structures remain strong, and their ideology is deeply entrenched.

Turkish security officer arrests an old Kurdish protester during a demonstration near Turkish-Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava) border, Sanliurfa, Turkish Kurdistan, 2014. Photo credit: EPA

Third: Turkey openly and aggressively opposes the Kurds and the SDF. It does not want any form of Kurdish self-rule in Syria that it associates with the PKK. This is part of Turkey’s long-standing and consistent strategy against the Kurds everywhere.

Fourth: In its official statements, the United States claims to maintain a moral balance between Syria and the Kurds and presents itself as a friend to both sides. In reality, this balance is an illusion. If Kurdish rights are not clearly protected in the constitution and law, and if Kurds are excluded from real governance, then they are treated only as a military force, not as political partners.

Fifth: It is very possible that Iran is also involved in these developments in order to prolong instability in Syria and divert attention away from its internal crises and protests.

Sixth: Although there are serious efforts to create a shared political framework that includes all Kurdish parties alongside the PYD, in practice these efforts have failed. This failure weakens Kurdish unity and reduces effective Kurdish participation in shaping the future.

Seventh: Sharaa acts fully in line with protecting Israel’s security and interests in Syria and the region. With the encouragement and participation of the United States, he has held multiple meetings and agreements with Israel. At the same time, Kurdish political movements, especially those influenced by the PKK and Öcalan’s recent positions, have adopted an unnecessary hostile or semi-hostile stance toward Israel, largely due to Turkish political pressure.

Under the ideological influence of Öcalan and the PKK, the PYD has distanced itself from Kurdish national identity. As Saleh Muslim stated, “We are not a Kurdish party. We are the PYD and the SDF.” At the same time, Kurds across all regions, as well as in Europe and the United States, mobilize in solidarity to support Kurdish victims in both neighborhoods of Aleppo.

In moments of crisis, appeals are made for national Kurdish support. This contradiction reflects confusion, inconsistency, and self-interested political calculations within Kurdish politics. In practice, political discourse becomes a tool for enforcing ideological theories rather than uniting Kurdish forces. As a result, Kurdish politics remain fragmented and divided.

Members of the all-woman Kurdish Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) during a raid at al-Hol camp in Hasaka, Syrian Kurdistan, (Rojava), 2024 Photo: YPG/YPJ/Farhad Shami/FB

The Kurds continue to wait for support from Europe and the United States. But in a dishonorable world, what kind of support can truly be expected? The United States maintains a presence on the ground in SDF-controlled areas, yet remains silent while Kurds face killings, repression, and forced displacement. Europe calls on Syria to respect agreements but applies no real pressure.

Statements from American officials have at times shown discomfort toward Kurdish demands in order to appease Turkey and Arab actors. Donald Trump openly states, “We are friends of Syria and the Kurds.” The United States seeks a Syria aligned with its interests, committed to Israel’s security, and distant from Iran and Russia. In this framework, the Kurds are treated as a secondary actor, valued mainly as fighters rather than as equal political partners.

The Kurds are waiting for major political change and the rebuilding of fundamental frameworks. However, no real change comes without struggle, confrontation, and cost. Kurdish demands in Syria today are limited. They seek effective partnership, not separation, independence, or the creation of a nation-state at this stage.

In a dishonorable world where human values have no place in politics or war, the Kurds still try to uphold human dignity. They emphasize humanitarian conduct in war, protect civilians, and avoid abusing prisoners and detainees. Yet in a dishonorable world, an honorable war is impossible.

The Kurds must rethink the rules of war, power, and political engagement. They must build strategic interests with strong international actors, rather than relying solely on morality, dignity, humanitarianism, or democracy.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on January 12, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.