Ardishir Rashidi Kalhur | Exclusive to iKurd.net

Causing Iran in Decline

Severely battered by the war with the United States and Israel, the surviving leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran has entered irreversible cultural and political decline. Much of the population are now living in a state of deep depression and despondency.

With no hope in sight, the regime that came to power under a Shiite ideology centered on martyrdom and victimhood has, in view of many, evolved into a cruel and lawless oppressor of its own people.

It has been accused of killing thousands, suppressing dissent, and lashing out against neighboring states and national minorities, particularly the Kurdish population both within Iran and across the border in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. These actions, critics argue, reflect the desperate political condition in which Iran now finds itself.

Iran’s most formidable instrument of repression is the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). According to this perspective, its principal responsibilities are: (1) to preserve the territorial integrity of the Iranian state by any means deemed necessary, with little regard for human life or fundamental rights; (2) to strengthen Iran’s military power, including the pursuit of advanced strategic nuclear capabilities, as a counterweight to Israel and Western military alliances; and (3) to maintain control over the Strait of Hormuz, a strategically vital maritime chokepoint through which a significant portion of the world’s oil supply passes.

The effort to achieve all of these objectives has led to a new wave of bombardments against Iranian cities and military installations. The apparent objective is to compel Iran either to accept military defeat or to endure a prolonged campaign of sustained military pressure and economic attrition until its capacity to resist is exhausted.

In Islamic tradition, Azrael (not to be confused with the word Israel) is the Angel of Death, who appears at the end of a person’s life to receive the departing soul. In religious belief, the soul’s ultimate destination is determined by God’s judgment according to the individual’s deeds during life.

According to Islamic tradition, Azrael is one of four principal archangels, alongside Jibril (Gabriel), Mikail (Michael), and Israfil (Raphael). These angels are believed to carry out God’s commands in governing various aspects of the created order and humanity’s existence from birth until death.

Readers may notice that the names of these archangels end with the suffix “-el” or one of its linguistic variants. In the Semitic languages, El is an ancient word for “God” and appears in many biblical and Near Eastern personal names.

Some writers have argued that this element is historically related to the Arabic word Allah, while others distinguish between the two based on linguistic and historical evidence. For a more detailed discussion of the origin and meaning of “El,” please refer to the previously published article on this site.

Understanding the Yazidis of Kurdistan

According to many religious traditions, among the mortal sins that may condemn a soul are acts that violate fundamental moral principles. By the standards of a genuinely peaceful faith and modern civil society, such grave transgressions may include hatred, violence, murder, theft, jealousy, perjury, prostitution, and numerous other acts that inflict harm upon individuals and society.

For a more complete discussion of mortal sins, readers may wish to consult a religious or spiritual leader whose conduct reflects the moral principles they teach. Good luck with your search.

History, however, reminds us that religious institutions and ideological movements are not immune from moral failure. Mosques, madrasas, nationalist Christian churches, and extremist movements such as Kahanism, like all human institutions, have at times been associated with intolerance, violence, or injustice. No institution or ideology can claim moral perfection merely by virtue of its religious or political identity.

These are among the moral standards that humanity has gradually established through millennia of civilization. Although cultures and religions differ in their ethical teachings, there remains a broad consensus that hatred, cruelty, dishonesty, and the taking of innocent life are immoral, while justice, compassion, truthfulness, and respect for human dignity are virtues worthy of pursuit.

Religious Perjury

From a Judaic theological perspective, some scholars argue that the Qur’an incorporates and reinterprets figures and narratives that first appear in the Hebrew Bible. The names and roles of the archangels in Islam — including Jibril (Gabriel), Mikail (Michael), Israfil (Raphael), and Azrael — bear clear parallels to angelic figures found in earlier Jewish and Christian traditions.

Critics who view these adaptations as unauthorized or false may characterize them as a form of religious plagiarism or misappropriation, whereas Muslims regard them as authentic revelations that reaffirm and complete earlier scriptures. The validity of either position ultimately depends upon one’s religious convictions.

If one accepts the premise that knowingly misrepresenting divine revelation constitutes a grave moral offense, then such an act could be regarded as a mortal sin deserving of God’s judgment. In Islamic belief, Azrael, the Angel of Death, carries out God’s command in receiving the souls of the deceased; he is not an independent agent who determines guilt or innocence.

Beyond these theological disputes, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been widely criticized for its treatment of political opponents, ethnic and religious minorities, and neighboring states. Critics argue that the state’s ideology — combining religious fundamentalism with an authoritarian interpretation of Iranian nationalism — has contributed to repression, discrimination, and regional conflict.

These criticisms, however, are directed at the policies and conduct of the Iranian government and its security institutions, rather than at the Iranian people as a whole or all followers of Islam.

If one is interested in the etymology of the word Tehran (in Kurdish pronounced Taran), some writers have proposed that it derives from the Kurdish expression “Ta-Raan, Tarranin, Tarrani,” meaning “those who have been expelled into exile because of their misconduct.” This interpretation is not accepted by mainstream historical linguistics, but it has been advanced by some authors searching for an alternative and meaningful explanation of the city’s name.

To those who embrace this interpretation, the name appears symbolically fitting. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, thousands of former residents of Tehran, together with many other Iranians, have left the country and now live abroad in exile or in the diaspora. Many continue to hope for the day when they can return to the city they once called home.

Critics of the Islamic Republic argue that Tehran has been transformed by a ruling establishment dominated by radical Shiite clerics whose political ideology has profoundly reshaped the country’s institutions and society. Some commentators draw historical parallels between revolutionary militancy and earlier movements in Persian history, including the Nizari Isma’ili movement associated with Hasan-i Sabbah and the medieval Assassins.

Now that Iran finds itself in what many critics describe as a political and moral purgatory, the country’s prolonged crises have brought immense suffering to its people.

In the view of those critics, the Islamic Republic has reached a point from which meaningful reform is no longer possible, leaving the country at a historic crossroads.

Some observers argue that establishing a genuinely democratic Iran — one founded upon respect for human rights, the rule of law, and the right of self-determination for the country’s non-Persian national communities — will remain exceedingly difficult so long as political power continues to be concentrated in a centralized state dominated by Persian militants.

They contend that, whether represented by the present ruling establishment or by certain opposition movements, competing political factions often seek to preserve centralized authority from Tehran rather than fundamentally reimagine the relationship between the state and Iran’s diverse national, ethnic, and linguistic communities.

From this perspective, the challenge facing Iran is not merely replacing one government with another, but transforming the political structure itself so that all citizens and national communities enjoy equal rights, political representation, and constitutional protection by willful association or separation.

Without such structural change, critics argue, the succession of one ruling group by another risks perpetuating the same cycle of authoritarianism, with Tehran continuing to symbolize centralized power long after the current regime has passed into history.

The former Iranian monarchy, according to its critics, also bears responsibility for a legacy of political myths and historical distortions. These critics contend that the Pahlavi state promoted an idealized narrative of an uninterrupted Persian imperial civilization while downplaying the complex and multiethnic character of the ancient Iranian world.

They further argue that the Cyrus Cylinder, often celebrated as an early declaration of human rights, has been presented in ways that exaggerate its significance. Many historians regard the inscription as a Babylonian royal proclamation written in the traditional Mesopotamian style rather than as a modern charter of universal human rights. Critics therefore contend that modern political interpretations of the Cylinder have projected contemporary ideals onto an ancient document.

Some scholars also challenge nationalist narratives that attribute the entirety of ancient Iranian civilization exclusively to the Persians, who were indeed the original hired military guards serving under the Medes.

They argue instead that the development of the region and Iranian civilization was shaped by numerous peoples, including the Sumerians, the Elamites, and the Medes as the predecessors of modern Kurdish culture. From this perspective, claims of exclusive Persian ownership of that heritage amount to historical falsehood and misrepresentation rather than balanced scholarly accounts of history.

Viewed through the theological framework presented in this essay, political falsehoods, cultural appropriation, historical distortion, and religious hypocrisy constitute grave moral offenses. Consequently, the Angel of Death, Azrael, serves as a symbolic reminder that no ruler, dynasty, or ideology is exempt from divine judgment. Whether monarchist or Islamist, any regime that builds its legitimacy upon deception, oppression, and injustice must ultimately answer for its deeds before history — and, according to the beliefs of the faithful, before the judgment of the civilized world and ultimately before God.

What Comes After Death

From dust to dust, life shall rise anew — but not for a country known as Iran. Instead, what once bore that name may become a region within a transformed Middle East.

In ancient Sumerian mythology, Tiamat is the primordial being associated with the chaotic waters of creation. She represents disorder and the untamed forces that precede the formation of the world.

According to the myth, Tiamat is defeated by her offspring, Marduk, who divides her body and fashions from it the heavens and the earth. Having subdued chaos, Marduk establishes order and becomes the supreme deity of ancient Babylon.

The moral symbolism of this story is that creation emerges from chaos. The destruction of the old gives rise to a new order, transforming darkness and disorder into a structured and flourishing world. As a literary metaphor, it suggests that periods of profound upheaval can become the foundation upon which a new era is built.

Like Tiamat in the ancient Mesopotamian myth, Iran and its successive regimes are portrayed as forces that have produced prolonged chaos and disorder, both within the country’s borders and throughout the wider region. In this interpretation, the time has come to bring an end to the existing political structure and to replace it with a new political order.

Drawing upon the symbolism of Marduk’s defeat of Tiamat, the argument proposes that the existing Iranian state should be dissolved and replaced by separate political entities in which the country’s diverse national minorities may freely determine their own futures.

Such a transformation, it argues, should be guided not by vengeance or conquest, but by the principles of self-determination, human rights, democratic governance, and peaceful coexistence, consistent with the standards of modern civil society and international law. Through this process, new states could emerge in which the aspirations and cultural identities of their peoples are recognized and protected.

Conclusion

In conclusion, if Iran were to face political collapse, national minorities such as the long-struggling Kurds of Rojhelat (Eastern Kurdistan) may seek to establish their own governing institutions rather than remain tied to longstanding forms of Persian religious nationalism.

Likewise, the Arab population of the southern province of Khuzestan could seek closer political and security cooperation with neighboring Arab states and communities. The Baloch people, who have their own long history of political and social struggle, may also pursue closer relations with the Baloch population across the border in Pakistan, with whom they share historical, cultural, and predominantly Sunni Muslim ties.

Under such a scenario, the remaining Iranian state could require an internationally supervised transition to restore political stability, economic recovery, and effective governance. One possible approach would be a United Nations–mandated transitional administration, supported by major international powers, including the United States, with the objective of facilitating security, reconstruction, humanitarian assistance, and the eventual establishment of representative and accountable institutions in accordance with international law.

Ardishir Rashidi-Kalhur, the President of Kurdish American Education Society, Los Angeles, U.S.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

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SULAIMANI, Iraqi Kurdistan region,— At least eight fighters from the Kurdish opposition group Komala Toilers of Iranian Kurdistan (Komełey Şorrişgêrrî Zehmetkêşanî Kurdistanî Êran) were killed and several more wounded after Iran fired six missiles at the group’s base in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region on Friday, the group’s Central Committee said.

A Central Committee member said the missiles struck Zirgwêz, a border area in Sulaimani province in Iraqi Kurdistan, early Friday morning. The strike killed at least eight Peshmerga fighters and injured a number of others.

Additional Peshmerga members from Iranian Kurdistan were also hurt in the attack, based on information gathered so far.

The Central Committee member told Voice of America that crews had not yet been able to fully recover the bodies from inside caves at the site because of the strike’s damage.

Separately, several drones were shot down over Erbil in the early hours of Friday. No injuries were reported from that incident.

Komala has fought against the Iranian government for decades. The group took part in the 1979 Kurdish uprising and later in the Iran-Iraq War.

Since the Islamic Republic was founded in 1979, it has enforced rules that Kurdish groups say discriminate against Kurds in Iranian Kurdistan across social, political and economic life.

Kurds in Iran say they face restrictions on religious, economic and cultural rights.

Parents are barred from giving children certain Kurdish names, and religious minorities with Kurdish populations face measures meant to isolate and stigmatize them, according to Kurdish rights groups.

Kurds also report barriers to jobs, housing and political participation, which have left many in long-term poverty.

More than 12 million Kurds are estimated to live in Iranian Kurdistan (Eastern Kurdistan, Rojhelat Kurdistan).

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Scherco R. Baban | Exclusive to iKurd.net

In the complex landscape of Iranian geopolitics, the conversation often centers on the brutality of the current Islamic Republic. However, a deeper, more structural issue persists that threatens the future of peace and freedom even more than the current administration: Persian supremacism.

While the world watches the struggle for social reforms, such as the end of mandatory hijab, the systemic oppression of ethnic minorities remains a blind spot for many within the “democratic opposition.”

The Nature of Supremacism

Supremacism functions as an extension of racism. It is the belief that one ethnic group is inherently superior, making their dominance over others appear “natural” or “inevitable.” This ideology is not merely a social prejudice; it is an institutionalized force.

To maintain this hierarchy, states create institutions designed to:

• Monitor and Control: Tracking the movements and political expressions of marginalized groups.

• Oppress and Incarcerate: Using the legal system as a tool for subjugation.

• Violence: Utilizing torture and lethal force against those who resist the ruling group’s dominance.

For the Kurds and Baloch people in Iran, this is not a theoretical threat—it is a daily reality. The chilling truth is that many segments of the Persian “democratic opposition” have historically remained silent on this systemic racism.

For these groups, a future Iran might be free of the veil, but it could potentially see an even more intensified crackdown on Kurdish autonomy and rights.

The Illusion of Democracy

It is a common misconception that “democracy” is a catch-all solution for the Kurdish question. A country can maintain the outward appearance of a democracy—complete with multi-party systems and regular elections—while still stripping a specific group of their dignity and fundamental rights.

We see this model in neighboring Turkey, where democratic processes coexist with the daily humiliation and disenfranchisement of the Kurdish population. If a new Iranian government adopts this “majoritarian” style of democracy without dismantling supremacist ideologies, the plight of the Kurds and other minorities will remain unchanged.

Geopolitical Shifts and the Kurdish Struggle

In the event of a regime change, a new Iranian government will likely face massive internal crises. To stabilize, it will seek cooperation with neighboring states.

Historically, this has led to “anti-Kurdish” pacts, where regional powers collaborate to suppress Kurdish aspirations for the sake of border security and “territorial unity”.

The role of external players further complicates the path to liberation:

• Saudi Arabia: Currently funds major propaganda outlets like Iran International, which serves Pahlavist interests. Saudi Arabia’s primary goal is regional de-escalation (such as ending Iranian support for the Houthis or Hezbollah), not the promotion of national groups rights within Iran.

• Regional Identity: Countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE have expressed strong support for the “Arab identity” of Iraq, showing little interest in supporting Rojhalat (East Kurdistan).

• The Vulnerability of South Kurdistan: The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq remains largely dependent on a U.S. presence for its survival, highlighting the fragile nature of Kurdish autonomy in a hostile region.

• Internal Eternal Divisions: The current mostly left leaning Kurdish parties and the leadership of those are unable to mature up towards the National goals of the Kurdish Nation instead of Utopian Goals such Democracy for Iran, Coexistence and the infamous Brotherhood of Nations.

Conclusion

A change in leadership in Tehran is not enough. If the underlying framework of Persian supremacism is not dismantled, the “New Iran” will simply be an old system with a different face. For true peace to exist, the opposition must move beyond the removal of the current regime and address the systemic racism that has defined the Iranian state for generations.

Until the right to self-determination and the dignity of the Kurds, Balochs and other nations are central to the democratic platform, the cycle of oppression is destined to repeat.

Scherco R. Baban, an independent researcher and analyst specializing in Kurdish Question and The Middle Eastern security, economical and cultural dynamics.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

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Corrupt Kurdish Leaders Are Destroying the Kurdish Image

Trump and Ghassemlou!

Dr. Sharif Ali | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

I have previously written: “Throughout the history of the last half-century of U.S. presidents, no American president has known the countries of Europe and the Iranian regime as well as Trump has.”

Now I also say: “Throughout the history of all U.S. presidents, no American president has known Kurdish leaders as well as Trump has.”

Since October 2017, Trump has said many times: “If we do not use air power against the enemies of the Kurds, the Kurds themselves will not fight to defend their homeland.”

He was referring to the loss of Kirkuk in 2017, when it was taken from the Kurdish administration through coordination involving Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and the Assad regime, along with the failure of the KDP to defend Kirkuk.

Trump has also said many times: “The Kurds always ask for weapons and money, and when we give them weapons, they take them into Iran; but they keep them for themselves!” In some ways, he is right.

We Kurds are often trapped by our own corrupt leaders and parties, who lack integrity and do not care about the reputation of their nation in the world.

Do you know how much these statements by Trump affect the global perception and mistrust of the Kurds?

All this damage to the Kurdish name is caused by a few corrupt and criminal Kurdish leaders.

Trump is right that weapons were sent, and perhaps significant funding was also provided, but they were stolen and sold. What do they not steal? They have stolen the sky and land of Kurdistan, and whatever any country sends is also stolen.

Ghassemlou Warned Them: Never Beg — They Never Listened

There are many witnesses and pieces of evidence, including testimony from Dr. Mahmoud Osman and Aziz Muhammad in the interview book “A Reflection on the Tragedy of the Brothers”, Volume One, published in 2010. Ghassemlou often told Massoud Barzani and Mam Jalal:

“When you visit countries and meet diplomats and politicians, never ask for material or military assistance. This damages the Kurdish cause and harms the Kurdish image. Instead, you should focus on political and diplomatic demands.”

Ghassemlou’s ideas proved correct. They are not satisfied. They do not respect promises or diplomatic trust. For this reason, they damage the reputation of the Kurds in the world and harm the Kurdish cause.

When something cannot be done, do not promise it. If you evaluate something and conclude it can be achieved, then promise it and deliver it.

America is not like the people of the Kurdistan Region, who have been deceived for nearly thirty years and are not taken seriously.

Or, if you have not stolen, sold things, or acted as thieves and criminals, then return the weapons to America so that Trump does not bring us shame anymore.

There was a man who had a single son. The son was very bad and had no character. Because of this, the father was often blamed by people.

One day, in anger over his son’s behavior, the father raised his hands and said: “God, take my life if I am meant to have such a shameful son, and I thank you for taking him away from me.”

Dr. Sharif Ali: PhD in International Diplomacy, United Kingdom.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on May 11, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

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I know where the weapons are

Hendrên Sheikh Ragheb  | Exclusive to iKurd.net
Translated by iKurd.net from Kurdish Awene

Donald Trump, the President of the United States, strongly attacked the Kurds and said they have been “disappointed,” and that the weapons sent to them to be delivered to Iranian protesters have been kept by them instead.

On Monday, May 11, 2026, Donald Trump, the President of the United States, spoke at the White House about sending weapons to Iranian protesters.

He said Iranian people want to go out into the streets, but they have no weapons. He believed the Kurds would provide them with weapons, but added: “They disappointed us. The Kurds only take, take, and take.”

Trump also criticized the sympathy and trust that exists in the U.S. Congress toward the Kurds. He said the Kurds have a very strong reputation there, and that people in Congress say they fight very strongly. However, he argued: “No, they only fight well when they are paid well. That is why I am very disappointed in the Kurds.”

The above reflects the U.S. President’s remarks about the Kurds, the war in Iran, and the current situation. However, President Trump should honestly understand the truth: why are the Kurds not cooperating with you?

For forty years, the Kurds and the United States have been building trust and a strong relationship. They have taken many important steps together and achieved rare and significant successes. Together, they have passed through extremely difficult situations and shared struggles, change, and challenges.

However, after you began your second term as president, you appointed Tom Barrack, who is of Arab origin, as the U.S. ambassador to Turkey and your representative in Syria.

That is when the Turks “hacked” Tom Barrack. With his involvement and what is described as his betrayal, the Western Kurdistan entity collapsed. Everything that had been built over forty years was destroyed. That is why the Kurds took a very serious and significant position after the collapse of the Western entity.

Do you know, President Trump, that the late Ali Larijani, Iran’s top official after the Supreme Leader, said in a press interview that the Kurds do not cooperate with the United States and do not attack the Iranian regime because the U.S. betrayed and “sold” them in Syria.

For that reason, the Kurds in Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Turkey are not fighting Iran on behalf of the United States.

If you had watched Larijani’s interview, Mr. President, you would not have spoken about disappointment in the Kurds or lost hope in them. Instead, you should call your representative and ask why he damaged the image and reality of the United States in the Middle East and Kurdistan.

I am telling you clearly: the Kurds in Iran are not afraid. They are afraid of betrayal after the fall of a regime, like what was done in Aleppo and in eastern Euphrates. The Kurds are not afraid of Iranian missiles or drones; they are afraid of the “dagger of betrayal” from Tom Barrack.

Now do not ask the Kurds for hope or weapons, because the weapons are with Tom Barrack and are entirely in his possession. Ask him and call him to find out what he did with those weapons. If it turns out that Tom Barrack is not aware of the weapons, then the situation is even worse, because what kind of U.S. representative in this region is unaware of the arrival and location of U.S. weapons?

President Trump, Tom Barrack has damaged the real strategy and position of the United States in the Middle East. How it can be corrected is up to you and your administration. We do not know.

Hendrên Sheikh Ragheb, a writer from Sulaimani, Iraqi Kurdistan.

This article was originally published in the Kurdish language in Awene Newspaper on May 11, 2026.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

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WASHINGTON,— U.S. President Donald Trump on Monday again accused Iraqi Kurdish groups of keeping weapons that he said Washington intended for anti-government protesters in Iran, repeating earlier claims that the arms never reached their destination.

Speaking to reporters during a maternal healthcare event, Trump said he was unhappy with the Kurds and claimed Iranian demonstrators failed to rise up because they were left without weapons.

“I am very disappointed with the Kurds,” Trump said. “We gave them weapons so they could take them into Iran and deliver them, but they kept them for themselves.”

Trump said his administration believed Kurdish groups would move the weapons into Iran, but he argued the plan failed because the arms never arrived. He also criticized the strong support Kurdish factions receive in Congress.

“We thought the Kurds were gonna give us weapons, but the Kurds disappointed us. The Kurds take, take, take,” Trump said. “They have a great reputation in Congress. Congress says, oh, they fight so hard. No, they fight hard when they get paid.”

Trump added that he had opposed the effort from the beginning and warned the weapons would never reach Iran.

Several Iranian Kurdish opposition groups have strongly denied the allegations and said they never received or withheld weapons from Washington.

Observers and analysts said the weapons likely ended up in Erbil, an area controlled by the ruling Barzani family.

Most Iranian Kurdish armed opposition groups are based in Erbil province, and analysts said the Kurdistan Democratic Party, led by the Barzanis, likely knew where the weapons went.

They also noted that the Sulaimani region, controlled by the Talabani family’s Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, has closer relations with Iran but does not allow Iranian Kurdish opposition groups to operate in areas under its control.

According to observers, this made the Barzani-controlled region the likely destination for any weapons transfers.

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Tuesday that Trump’s remarks reflected broad support for the Iranian people and were not confirmation of specific weapons deliveries.

Several officials and politicians in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region also said they were unaware of any U.S. weapons delivered to Kurdish groups.

In April 2026, Trump said weapons intended for Iranian protesters never reached them, adding that he was deeply dissatisfied with a certain group and warning they would “pay a big price for that.”

In 2016, the Barzanis have faced criticism before after weapons supplied by Western countries for the fight against ISIS later appeared on the black market.

(With files from Rudaw | Agencies)

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Talabani Pushes Back on Trump Weapons Theft Claim, Calls Alleged Act Shameful

SULAIMANI, Iraqi Kurdistan,— Bafel Jalal Talabani, president of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), has flatly denied that his group stole weapons that U.S. President Donald Trump said were meant for Iranian protesters but never reached them.

Talabani made the denial in an interview on Piers Morgan Uncensored, responding directly to Trump’s remarks earlier in April.

Trump told reporters he was “very upset with a certain group of people” over the missing weapons and warned they would “pay a big price.”

When Morgan asked Talabani point-blank whether he stole the weapons, the PUK president said no. “I can prove to you that no weapons were stolen in Sulaimani,” he told Morgan. “I think you have the right friends inside the U.S. administration to confirm this. I cannot speak for the other side.”

Talabani noted that Iraqi Kurdistan is divided into two zones and that his authority covers only one of them. “We are part of a state, but we are not a state. We have a government that is not really a government,” he said.

On Trump’s overall statements, Talabani said he was certain the remarks were not made without reason. He called the alleged act of stealing from allies “completely shameful,” adding that using Kurds as a shield in military operations was one thing, but stealing from partners was “something entirely different.”

When Morgan asked if the issue would have consequences, Talabani smiled and said, “I don’t like to steal from Trump, do you?” Morgan said no. Talabani then said, “I think that will have consequences.”

Trump also said at a press conference that he would prefer Iranian Kurds to stay out of any conflict with Iran. “I’d rather have Iranian Kurds stay away of Iran war because I think they bring with them some problems and some difficulties and they bring death,” Trump said.

Beyond the weapons dispute, Talabani questioned the use of military force against Iran. “You cannot bomb people into loving you,” he said, calling such tactics counterproductive.

He said strikes on civilian infrastructure, including schools, universities, and hospitals, were pushing ordinary Iranians closer to the government rather than away from it. “We have seen people who were demonstrating against the regime now saying we are demonstrating for our country,” he said.

He expressed cautious hope for ongoing negotiations between U.S. and Iran, saying he was optimistic that Pakistan was sending a team to Tehran soon to continue talks. He also noted that earlier rounds of diplomacy had produced progress on smaller issues.

On ceasefire timelines, Talabani said deadlines were flexible and easy to extend. “This is one of those conflicts that violence will not resolve,” he said.

(With files from PUK media | Agencies)

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Kurdish Female Komala Party Fighter Dies After Four Hospitals Deny Her Care in Sulaimani

SULAIMANI,— Four hospitals in Sulaimani, Iraqi Kurdistan, refused to treat a wounded Iranian Kurdish female Peshmerga fighter after she was injured in an Iranian drone strike, and she died following more than an hour of failed attempts to find her a bed, reports said.

Ghazal Mawlan, a member of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, an Iranian Kurdish opposition party operating from Iraqi Kurdistan, sustained serious injuries Tuesday when drones launched by the Islamic Republic of Iran struck the Surdash camp.

Two other Komala fighters were also injured in the attack.

Her comrades rushed her to Sulaimani for emergency care. The first stop was Shorsh Hospital, where medical staff gave her basic initial treatment.

When the group requested admission for further services, including MRI scans, X-rays and intensive care, the hospital said it lacked available beds and the necessary equipment.

A comrade later said it became clear a decision had been handed down from above not to accept the patient.

Asia Hospital was contacted next and refused outright. The group then went to Baxshin Hospital, which at first agreed to take her in.

Once staff confirmed the case was connected to a drone attack and had a political dimension, the hospital withdrew its agreement. An argument broke out.

A doctor on the scene checked Mawlan’s pulse and warned that her heart rate had fallen to a dangerous level. The hospital still did not admit her. The group stood outside for more than 30 minutes.

Attempts to reach Mercy Hospital from inside the ambulance went unanswered. After more than 10 minutes of calls, Farooq Hospital agreed to accept her following a short internal delay.

When she arrived, staff moved her inside immediately. Minutes later, a doctor reported her heart had stopped. She was connected to a ventilator, indicating a critical emergency state. Efforts to save her continued for more than an hour before she died.

Amjad Hussein Panahi, a member of Komala’s leadership, published the account as told by Mawlan’s comrade, saying the collapse of her heart rate during the transfer from Baxshin Hospital to Farooq Hospital was central to her death.

The news spread rapidly online. Some critics suggested that the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, which holds authority in Sulaimani, may have quietly discouraged hospitals from admitting members of Iranian Kurdish opposition groups, as the party is believed to be cautious about provoking Iran.

Iran has repeatedly struck Kurdish opposition camps in Iraqi Kurdistan in recent weeks with drones and missiles.

Dr. Goran Abdullah, a well-known physician in Iraqi Kurdistan, posted a sharp reaction online, saying the Islamic Republic killed Mawlan once and that those running Kurdistan’s healthcare sector killed her many times over.

Users across Kurdish platforms demanded accountability from the hospitals and expressed sympathy for Mawlan and for Kurds in Eastern Kurdistan, also referred to as Iranian Kurdistan, who have faced sustained Iranian military strikes targeting opposition factions.

None of the four hospitals issued a public statement. Komala confirmed the Surdash camp was struck and identified Mawlan among those killed.

(With files from Agencies)

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Scherco R. Baban | Exclusive to iKurd.net

Most Kurdish political forces in East Kurdistan are busy opposing the current regime in Iran. However, due to internal divisions and a lack of unified and competent leadership, they often overlook the true aims of some exile Iranians.

The misrecognition, distortion, disrespect, and attempts to undermine Kurdish identity and history are not solely the work of the current regime; one could easily say that the former regime did even worse.

The so-called “Exiled Iranian Opposition” is also guilty of the same practices, and worse things are to come. Just remember how they insisted on using the state-imposed, colonial name (Mahsa) of Jina Amini in 2022, despite the fact that “Jina” was what her parents called her. If they tried that hard to distort recent history, just imagine what they have done to the ancient history of the Kurdish nation and others in general.

Demonizing the Kurdish Republic of 1946 in Mahabad and former Kurdish leaders, delegitimizing Kurdish political aspirations for self-determination, and labeling Kurdish as a “dialect” of Farsi are all attempts to erase the distinct linguistic and cultural heritage of the Kurdish people—actions also taken by the Exiled Iranian Opposition.

Paradoxically, the same Iranian opposition that craves Western aid to topple the Islamic Republic does not mind accusing the West of being the major source of division in the Middle East. This is a common tactic used by Middle Eastern regimes to deflect attention from internal repression and conflict.

What kind of democracy do we expect from these exiled Iranians? By emphasizing a false narrative of harmony and unity among the people of the region for hundreds of years, the Exiled Iranian Opposition—just like the aforementioned regimes—ignores the complex history of ethnic, religious, and political tensions that have shaped the region.

Cultural warfare, through misrecognition, distortion, and disrespect, can have damaging effects on the identity and self-determination of marginalized groups such as the Kurdish people. For Kurds, it is essential to challenge and resist such attempts to erase and undermine our cultural heritage and language.

The linguistic and cultural richness of the Kurdish people is often overlooked or downplayed by those seeking to suppress Kurdish identity and aspirations. Education in all non-Persian languages was forbidden in Iran by the regime of Reza Khan and his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

Even now, the new pretender to the crown of Iran, “Prince” Reza, still “doesn’t understand why we should have mother languages at school.” He is telling us: “Your language is a ‘local’ dialect and cannot be the language of science and math.”

Apparently, Persian can handle science and math very well on its own. Just compare any scientific text between Kurdish and Farsi, and you will see how much richer and more authentic the Kurdish language is than Farsi—a language that depends heavily on loanwords from other languages, especially Arabic.

The Persian supremacists and their past governments tried to purge Persian of Arabic words, but they failed because if they removed Arabic words, there would be nothing left called “Persian.” Instead, they started using many Kurdish words while claiming they were “Old Farsi.”

The Exiled Iranians call every non-Persian ethnic group on their social media pages “Iranian nomads,” labeling their language, culture, and music as “local,” whereas everything Persian is labeled “national.” They have appropriated the entire history and cultural heritage of all ethnic groups and placed them under the title “Iranian” or “Persian,” which constitutes cultural genocide.

For now, we cannot expect much from the immature and incompetent Kurdish leaders of Rojhelat. Their low self-esteem and admiration for everything Persian and the “Zoroastrian heritage” is beyond repair.

Even their sanctioned artists are happy to appear on exile TV channels like Iran International and BBC Persian, reproaching Iran for “not trying to occupy the other parts of Kurdistan in Iraq, Syria, and Turkey.” All this occurs while these same leaders and their artists appear as national heroes to the Kurdish public.

Our only hope for defending and celebrating the unique heritage and language of the Kurdish people—and for the Kurdish identity to be respected and preserved—lies in the hands of the young Kurdish generation. This generation does not suffer from “Stockholm Syndrome” or the admiration mentality toward the occupier’s culture and language.

Young people, and especially young Kurdish women such as the Kurdish language teacher Zara Mohammadi (aka Zara Kurdistani), understand very well the concept of cultural war against the Kurdish nation and the ways its culture, identity, and heritage have been targeted.

Cultural warfare can take many forms, including attempts to erase or marginalize Kurdish language, traditions, art, and history. This is a tactic used to undermine Kurdish identity and resistance to dominant power structures.

While many Kurdish leaders are happy to speak the occupation language on Iranian TV, Zara Kurdistani refused to use the occupier’s language and demanded a translator before going to prison for teaching Kurdish. This was a clear form of cultural boycott. Before her, Leyla Zana was also sentenced to many years in prison for her fight to defend the Kurdish language.

Cultural boycotts are a form of non-violent resistance used to protest against cultural oppression and discrimination. By refusing to engage with or support institutions or individuals that perpetuate harmful practices, cultural boycotts draw attention to injustices and create pressure for change. In the context of the Kurdish nation, cultural boycotts are a means of challenging attempts to erase Kurdish culture and heritage.

Resistance to cultural warfare can take many forms, including the preservation and promotion of Kurdish language, literature, music, and traditions. By celebrating and sharing Kurdish culture, the Kurdish nation can assert its identity and resilience in the face of oppression. Cultural resistance involves reclaiming and reinterpreting historical narratives to challenge dominant narratives that seek to marginalize Kurdish heritage.

Overall, the cultural war against the Kurdish nation highlights the importance of cultural identity in struggles for liberation and self-determination. By recognizing and valuing Kurdish culture, language, and history, the Kurdish nation can resist attempts to undermine its identity and assert its right to thrive.

For that, we need brave women and men who can face this cultural war. Women like Zara Kurdistani are at the forefront of this struggle. I had the fortune to have had a mother who raised me free from low self-esteem toward the occupation culture. I also had the fortune to be the nephew of the late patriotic poet Xurșide Baban, who knew the importance of culture in the national liberation movement.

Our women are key in raising and educating a new generation of Kurds who won’t speak the occupation language, and who won’t enjoy the music or the culture of the oppressor. This new generation stands in total contrast to the victim mentality of the “House Kurd.” That is perhaps why we call our native tongue the “Mother Language,” and Kurdish women our intellectual firepower!

Scherco R. Baban, an independent researcher and analyst specializing in Kurdish Question and The Middle Eastern security, economical and cultural dynamics.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

The post Kurdish Women Are Our Intellectual Firepower appeared first on iKurd News.

Correcting Misconception about Iran

Ardishir Rashidi Kalhur | Exclusive to iKurd.net

In 2001, the United Nations adopted a resolution to promote Dialogue among Civilizations through the global works of the UNESCO (1). This initiative was supported by then Iran’s President Mohammad Khatami, and by the Turkish Muslim Brotherhood AK party founded the same year, led by Erdogan as its leader. The aim of both countries were to counteract the views of Professor Samuel Phillips Huntington who had published an essay in 1993, titled “The Clash of Civilizations”.

In the real-world people believe in an ideology when it is put into practice. In the eye of the world, both Iran and Turkey due to their extreme violations of human rights against their own people and regional belligerency through supporting terror groups and proxies, failing miserably as the hypocrites of civilizations who are actually promoting the clash of civilizations not working to reduce or prevent it.

On the other hand, President Trump as the believer and executioner of the “Clash of Civilizations”, with his threats to “wipe out Iran’s civilization”, has shown a cold and callus side of a leader who in the time of war will show no mercy to kill innocent and non-combatant civilians.

Taking such an extreme position, one may think that even the survival of the Western Civilization may not matter to him either. With the enormous responsibilities weighing on his shoulders and as the leader of the most powerful country on earth, himself having accumulated wealth, power and fame as his greatest priority, what really matters to President Trump and what he really wants remains a guessing game!

In the meantime, many TV journalists, political experts and war analysts have taken President Trump’s “ending Iran’s civilization” comment out of context and have conflated the “Iranian civilization” with that of the “Persian Civilization”. It is like to say that the “Indus Valley” Civilization is the same as “Hindi Civilization” in India.

Just as there are over a dozen of national groups living in India with over 1.4 billion population, so are the same number of national groups living in Iran at a smaller scale with just over 90 million, the majority of whom are not Persians.

This is the deep misconception on parts of the news media personalities and commentators who with their oratory hype use the word Iran, Iranians, Persia and Persians, in the same context not knowing that they are misinforming the public with their incomplete education about Iran.

When the well-known journalists like Farid Zakaria or Ali Velshi fail to distinguish the difference between the words Iran and Persia and Iranians and the Persians, it reveals that their understanding about Iran is more likely to have formed around the kitchen table with their Persian

friends and classmates rather than from scholarly or journalistic research about the history of Iran.

Their modern journalistic practices by the news media and commentators are equivalent to the 19^th century medical doctors using mercury as a medicine during the American Civil War to cure ailments. By today’s medical knowledge, the doctors of the 19^th century were in reality poisoning their patients rather than curing them.

With all due respect to their journalistic professions and invited expert analysts, Mr. Zakaria and Mr. Velshi and their like, are poisoning the minds of the public with outdated information about Iran rather than helping them to understand what really ails US-Iran relations.

To help correct their misconceptions, following are some key and straightforward terms and definitions and notable historical events worth remembering when it comes to the history of Iran from the ancient to the present time.

1. The founders of the Iranian Civilization Were Not, The Persians, They Were, The Medes. For further information about this somewhat lesser known or conveniently ignored fact, refer to The Story of Civilization by Will and Ariel Durant (2).
2. History of the Medes predates the history of the Persians by at least 1200 years (3)

3. 

   The origin of the word Persian comes from the Median word Pars-yaan, which is the plural of the word Pars. It means a Guard, or an appointed watchman, especially appointed at a checkpoint or as a security guard to protect a property of a landlord. Thus, the word Persian is a Job Title and does not refer to an original or organically grown culture producing a civilization on their own. Persians were the usurpers of the Medes civilization

4. The Persians were the local hired guards among the tribe of Achaemenids who were a vassal to the Medes. The local language they spoke was, and is, a derivation of the Dari language (4).

5. During the Shah regime in 1972, the so called 2500 years celebration of the Persian Empire the guards were branded with a new image as the “Immortal Guards” (5). Unfortunately, just 7 years later during the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the top ranks of the so called “immortal guards” were executed, no longer “immortals!”.

   By the order of the Persian Mullahs they were replaced by the Islamic Republic of Iran Army, with its powerful Persian “Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corp” (IRGC) (6). Most famous among the Persian guard was Qasim Solaimani, and many of his successors who have been eliminated since the start of Israel and the U.S. war with Iran run by the Persian religious caste and guards.

6. In 330 BC, the same guards (Persians) were decimated by the army of Alexander the Great to avenge the Persians burning of the Greek city of Acropolis in 480 BC. In this ancient act of fury (The first Epic Fury against the Persians by the Greeks), and after killing the ancient guards, the Greek soldiers were gifted with ten thousand Persian women (7).

   In this mass give-away party, Alexander intended to create a new generation of Greco-Persian offsprings to be allied with the Greeks in friendship and loyalty. In the eye of some Iranians the current generation of the guards (The Persians), are not Iranian, or constitute a nation but rather than an amalgamation of various gene pool, including the Medes, the Achaemenides, the Greeks, Arabs, Turks and various other septs born from guards and religious clans harems.

   It is not diplomatic nor was it a dignified comment by President Trump to call the Guards (The Persians) “You Crazy Bastards” for the ancient attempt to destroy the Western Civilization stemming out of Greece originated some 3200 years ago by the Persian Tyrants in 480 BC. The present generation of multi-ethnic people living in Iran should not be held accountable for the uncivilized acts of the Persians past to present trying to destroy the Western Civilization.

7. The ancient capital of the Medes was located in Western Iran in the Kurdish region. The last successors of the Medes were the Kurdish Sasanian dynasty with their capital in Kermanshah and the lower Mesopotamia. Whereas the capital of the Persians became known as Persepolis (Greek’s designation for the city of Pars, or Parsian).

8. After the replacement of the Medes kingdom with the military culture of the Guards (The Persians), in 550 BC, under the chief Guard Cyrus, they tried to impose their Dari language on the Median (Kurdish) language and the rest of non-Persian nationalities in Iran which persists to the present-day.

In conclusion,

Iran is the name of a vast geographical region home to many nationalities each with their own unique culture and language and world views, that are different from that of the Persians culture which is the culture of a cult of militants known as the guards. The Kurds have been the keepers of the culture of Medes, among whose civilization comes the religious caste of the Yazidis, Magians, Zoroastrians, Manichaeism, and Yaresan.

The elaborate celebration of NuRoj (No-Roz in Farsi), with Kurdish music, and colorful clothing and a spirit of democratic tolerance for cultural diversities is a traditional practice among the Kurdish culture. Whereas such cultural practices have become prohibited among the religious-nationalist Persians due to deep penetration of Islamic ideology imposed on the Iranian people by the Persian run central government of Iran.

The United States and the Pro-Western Civilization leaders including Journalists and media commentators shall realize that Iran is not Persia, and the Iranians are not Persians. When studied

in the context of historical events, there is no “Clash” between the Western Civilizations and the Iranian Civilization rooted in the Median/Kurdish region and culture. The cult of militant Persian guards developed over centuries combined with a infused jolt of Islamic Jihadism, is where the problem lies and sooner or later it must be resolved by dialogue or by force.

In a civilized dialog, participation of two rational parties are the prerequisite. In the ascent of a rational approach to the problem, there is no reason to try to reason with irrational minds where use of force will win the day even though in the case of US-Iran relations, rational it may be to resolve the impasse by the use of force.

1. International Day for Dialogue among Civilizations | United Nations
2. OUR ORIENTAL HERITAGE – THE STORY OF CIVILIZATION: 1 | Will Durant | Book Club – Edition; Twenty-Seventh Printing
3. The Medes – the Forefathers of the Kurds
4. Persians The Border Keepers under the Medes. Battle of the Persian Border – Wikipedia
5. 2,500-year celebration of the Persian Empire – Wikipedia
6. Islamic Republic of Iran Army – Wikipedia
7. 324 BC: Alexander the Great Arranges Mass Wedding – History and Headlines

Ardishir Rashidi-Kalhur, the President of Kurdish American Education Society, Los Angeles, U.S.

The opinions are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of iKurd.net or its editors.

Copyright © 2026 iKurd.net. All rights reserved.

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